Beyond informality: ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ - how migrants on the margins trade, access and hold land for settlement

Abstract

How do migrants on the margins trade, access, and hold land for settlement? This ethnographic inquiry based on a case study of Malawian migrants in peri-urban Zimbabwe revealed the practice of ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’—encompassing not only the extralegal and informal aspects of land transactions but also emphasising flexibility, agility, conviviality and invisibility in land acquisition. What sets ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ apart from the characterisation of conventional informal land transactions is the profound role played by ‘conviviality’ in creating a congenial atmosphere for acquiring and securing land rights. Individuals in convivial connections act as essential intermediaries, witnesses, and mediators in land deals. Their contributions are instrumental in maintaining spatial orderliness within the community, demonstrating that informal land transactions are not always chaotic or disorderly as perceived but can adhere to a well-structured set of ‘nimble’ norms and mechanisms that regulate land access and ownership. Nimble peri-urban land transactions not only provide a lifeline to individuals and families seeking a place to call home but also contribute to the overall urbanisation and development of peri-urban areas. Thus, the study challenges prevailing notions of land governance by emphasising the importance of recognising and comprehending not only the ‘informality’ but also the ‘nimble transactions’ that characterise land markets in peri-urban areas. It calls for a more holistic approach to land governance, acknowledging that rigid formalities alone may not adequately address the unique needs and realities of marginalised populations in these contexts.

1 Introduction

Peri-urban areas at the fringes of rapidly expanding urban centres have become dynamic and critical spaces in the contemporary global landscape [1, 2]. These spaces often serve as landing grounds for marginalised populations seeking economic opportunities, improved livelihoods, and, most importantly, land for settlement [3]. Characterised by a complex interplay of informality, unique sociality, and a lack of formal land governance, peri-urban areas pose unique challenges but also opportunities for land acquisition and tenure security [4,5,6,7]. Studies also show that peri-urban areas in Africa represent a unique blend of urban and rural characteristics, often characterised by rapid population growth, informal settlements, and evolving land dynamics [8, 9]. The absence of clear land tenure systems and formalised land markets in these areas gives rise to a range of alternative land acquisition strategies and dynamics [10]. As a result, these transitional zones have become significant spaces for understanding the complexities of land access and tenure security on the continent, triggering informal land transactions [11]. Informal peri-urban land transactions encompass a range of pathways, including inheritance, rentals, seizures, and, notably, land purchase—the focus of this study [7, 12,13,14,15].

This scenario of peri-urban land transactions is prevalent in Africa because land resources are a catalyst for diverse conflicts due to a complex interplay of historical, social, economic, and political factors [16,17,18]. The continent’s rich and varied peri-urban landscapes, population growth, and complex migration patterns contribute to competition for scarce arable land and valuable natural resources [19]. Disputes over land ownership and usage frequently exacerbate ethnic and tribal tensions, as different communities lay claim to specific territories in the peri-urban [20, 21]. Rapid urbanisation and industrialisation further intensify the demand for land, leading to conflicts between traditional land uses and emerging urban needs in peri-urban spaces [19, 22]. Additionally, unequal distribution of land and inadequate land governance systems in the peri-urban contribute to social inequalities, resulting in grievances and land conflicts [4, 5, 22]. In some cases, land resources in the peri-urban are exploited for economic gain, leading to environmental degradation and disputes between local communities and external actors [17, 19]. Understanding and addressing these dynamics is crucial for promoting peace, sustainable development, and effective land governance across the African continent. Perhaps one dimension of solving this crisis is understanding informal peri-urban land transactions, which for decades have not yet been fully grasped by urban policymakers and local authorities in Africa.

Informal peri-urban land transactions have long been a focal point of academic research due to their prevalence in rapidly urbanising regions worldwide. The complexity and diversity of these transactions have led scholars to adopt various terms and conceptual frameworks to describe and analyse them. The term “informal land markets” is commonly employed to describe the unregulated and often undocumented exchange of land in urban and peri-urban settings. Scholars like Chirisa [12] and Hungwe [13] emphasise the role of informality in creating parallel markets outside formal legal frameworks, contributing to the development of unique, localised systems of land ownership and transfer. Other scholars adopt the term “land grabbing” to highlight the often exploitative nature of informal land transactions, where powerful actors acquire land at the expense of vulnerable populations. Scholars like Borras and Franco [23] and Batterbury and Ndi [24] argue that power imbalances mark these transactions and can lead to dispossession and displacement. The concept of “land informality” encompasses a broader understanding of informal land transactions, emphasising the multifaceted nature of informal land governance. Okyere and Kita [25] explore how informality extends beyond market transactions to include practices such as squatting, informal subdivisions, and unauthorised settlements. Other scholars addressing land transactions in peri-urban areas use the term “peri-urban informality” to highlight the unique challenges posed by informal practices at the urban–rural interface. Tacoli [26] argues that peri-urban informality reflects the dynamic interactions between urbanisation and rural transformation. The process of “land informalization” refers to the gradual integration of informal land practices into the broader urban fabric. Kuyucu [27] suggests that informal land transactions become institutionalised over time, blurring the lines between formal and informal land systems. From “informal land markets” to “land informality,” each term offers a unique perspective on the dynamics, challenges, and implications of informal land transactions in rapidly evolving urban and peri-urban landscapes. However, perhaps, and as demonstrated in this paper, beyond the dominant informality characterisation, peri-urban land transactions can also be characterised as ‘Nimble’ or ‘Agile’, especially in the case of marginalised, secretive and hard-to-reach migrants.

From the literature, the concept of informal land markets is the most common lens for analysing how land is traded, acquired and held in peri-urban settings. Informal land markets are characterised by extralegal transactions, lack of formal regulation, and reliance on social networks [28, 29]. Within this framework, the acquisition of land in peri-urban areas can be viewed as a dynamic interplay between land seekers and the existing landholders, driven by various economic, social, and cultural factors [28,29,30].

Despite the progress in understanding peri-urban land markets and transactions, the nuanced nature of these transactions remains inadequately explored, particularly among hard-to-reach populations such as migrants on the margins. Existing studies in this domain have primarily focused on frameworks like informal land markets, land informalization, peri-urban informality, land grabbing, and land informality [12, 13, 31, 32]. However, there is a gap in the literature regarding the specifics of the land transactions that transpire among migrants on the fringes of urban society, who engage in what this paper terms ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions.’ This concept goes beyond the traditional notions of informality, encompassing not only extralegal and informal aspects but also emphasising flexibility, agility, conviviality and invisibility in land acquisition. Notably, the role of ‘conviviality’ in affirming and formalising land rights has been insufficiently explored in existing research. In the context of this study, ‘conviviality’ refers to the social and harmonious interaction or cooperation among individuals involved in peri-urban land transactions. It demonstrates the collaborative and amicable aspects of the process, highlighting the significance of community leaders, friends, and relatives in fostering a congenial atmosphere for acquiring and formalising land rights. Conviviality also implies a sense of shared understanding, mutual support, and positive relationships within the community, emphasising the social dynamics that contribute to the effectiveness of land transactions in peri-urban areas. The individuals in convivial connections act as crucial intermediaries, witnesses, and mediators, playing a significant role in legitimising and authenticating land transactions and maintaining spatial orderliness within the community. This study makes a scholarly contribution by providing a detailed examination of the ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions,’ shedding light on the structured informal norms and mechanisms that govern land access and ownership among marginalised migrants in peri-urban contexts.

The paper focuses on a specific case of Lydiate, a peri-urban settlement in Zimbabwe where migrants of Malawian descent (herein referred to as Lydiatians) are located. The study explores how marginalised migrants in Lydiate trade access and hold land in an environment marked by land scarcity. The land dynamics at Lydiate reflect broader trends in peri-urban areas across Africa, where access to land is a crucial determinant of social and economic inclusion.

At the heart of this inquiry is the overarching research question: How do migrants in Lydiate trade, access and hold land in the peri-urban context? To address this question comprehensively, the study is based on the following research questions:

• 1. What are the various strategies employed by marginalised migrants in Lydiate to acquire land for settlement?

• 2. What are the sources of funds and the pricing mechanisms associated with land transactions in Lydiate?

• 3. What are the key sources of land for purchase within the settlement?

• 4. What are the informal purchase arrangements and mechanisms used in peri-urban land transactions in Lydiate?

• 5. What is the role of social networks, trust, and legal aspects in shaping land acquisition strategies and outcomes?

Understanding the complexities of land transactions in peri-urban settings is vital for grasping the broader challenges faced by marginalised populations seeking to establish a foothold in these areas. Moreover, this research sheds light on the ‘beyond informal’—but also nimble dynamics that govern land access, which can inform more effective land governance strategies. Additionally, the findings of this study contribute to the existing body of knowledge on peri-urban land acquisition, filling a gap in the literature that often overlooks the experiences of marginalised people in such settlements.

The exploration of ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ is also aligned with the principles of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), providing essential policy directives for peri-urban land governance. The SDGs’ focus on fostering global well-being resonates strongly with the challenges and opportunities embedded in peri-urban land dynamics. Understanding the intricacies of land acquisition strategies employed by people on the margins and recognising the social dynamics in these spaces not only contributes to SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) but also addresses issues of social equity (SDG 10) and partnerships (SDG 17). Furthermore, by emphasising the significance of ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions,’ this study aims to guide policy interventions that promote sustainable land governance, fostering inclusive urban development and contributing to broader SDGs related to poverty alleviation, gender equality, and environmental sustainability. Through this linkage, the paper emphasises the potential of informed land policies to serve as catalysts for achieving the global agenda of sustainable development.

2 Literature review

2.1 Conceptualising the peri-urban and its complexities

Peri-urban areas, situated on the outskirts of rapidly expanding urban centres, represent transitional zones characterised by their unique blend of urban and rural features [1, 2]. These areas are typically marked by proximity to urban centres while retaining rural characteristics, making them dynamic and distinct spaces in the contemporary global landscape [32]. Peri-urban areas are critical in accommodating the influx of people seeking economic opportunities, improved livelihoods, and a foothold in urbanised regions [33, 34]. As a result of their proximity to rapidly expanding urban centres, peri-urban areas often experience significant population growth and evolving land dynamics. This demographic shift is accompanied by various challenges and opportunities related to land acquisition and tenure security, setting the stage for various land complexities.

The complexities of land acquisition in peri-urban areas arise from their unique characteristics and circumstances, distinguishing them from traditional rural and urban settings. Table 1 summarises peri-urban characteristics and complexities.

Table 1 Characteristics and complexities of the peri-urban

2.2 Factors shaping peri-urban land acquisition strategies

Peri-urban land acquisition strategies are complex and shaped by various factors, including economic opportunities, social ties, and historical context [2, 16, 17]. Economic opportunities in peri-urban areas often drive land acquisition strategies. As these areas offer potential for employment, trade, and improved living standards, individuals and groups are motivated to secure land as a means to access these opportunities [33]. The quest for economic betterment influences the strategies employed to acquire land as individuals seek to position themselves advantageously within the local economy. Social ties and networks within peri-urban communities are fundamental in shaping land acquisition strategies [7, 14, 15]. Families, friends, neighbours, and community members contribute to the acquisition process through recommendations, sharing information about available land, and facilitating introductions to sellers [13, 15]. These social relationships foster trust and facilitate transactions in the absence of formal legal documentation. The historical context of peri-urban areas can significantly impact land acquisition strategies [1, 9, 19]. Historical factors such as land use patterns, previous migrations, and government policies may influence who has access to land and how it is acquired [1]. Understanding the historical backdrop of these areas is crucial for comprehending the dynamics of land acquisition and ownership.

Peri-urban land acquisition strategies encompass a range of pathways, including inheritance, rentals, seizures, and, notably, land purchase—the focus of this study. While some individuals may inherit or seize land from family or kin, recent migrants often lack such generational connections [36]. Therefore, land purchase may emerge as a viable alternative despite its informality.

Social networks and trust often form the bedrock of informal land transactions in peri-urban settings [7]. Unlike formal land markets, where legal processes and documentation play a central role, peri-urban land acquisition relies heavily on personal relationships, community ties, and mutual trust between buyers and sellers [36, 37]. These social aspects shape the negotiation, pricing, and conclusion of land transactions. Several studies in peri-urban settlements across Africa reveal the significance of social networks in sourcing land and establishing purchase arrangements [13, 31, 37]. Individuals can secure land through recommendations from family, friends, and neighbours familiar with available land for sale [13]. Trust is not solely interpersonal but extends to the broader community’s acceptance of land tenure arrangements arising from these transactions [7].

A fundamental dimension of peri-urban land dynamics lies in the distinction between legal and formal land ownership versus informal land ownership [36]. While formal land markets are characterised by well-defined legal procedures, land titling, and publicised pricing mechanisms, peri-urban areas often lack these formal structures [28, 29]. Informal land ownership arises from extralegal land transactions, where legal documents may be absent or rudimentary. This dichotomy has profound implications for land tenure security in peri-urban areas. Informal land ownership, while prevalent and necessary for many marginalised migrants, may lack legal recognition and protection [36]. Consequently, the legitimacy and permanence of land tenure arrangements are often underpinned by informal agreements, social norms, and trust rather than formal legal documentation.

2.3 Studies on informal land transactions in peri-urban Africa

In recent years, a growing trend of individualised land transactions in peri-urban areas across Africa has emerged, particularly involving landless migrants accessing land through purchase [13, 38, 39]. These transactions are often referred to as informal or vernacular land markets, emphasising their extralegal and social nature [39, 40]. The reliance on these peri-urban informal land markets is driven by a combination of factors, including land scarcity in core city areas, inadequate urban housing options, population growth, mobility, and low wages [38, 41, 42].

The phenomenon of informal land purchases in peri-urban areas is not confined to one African nation but manifests in diverse locations across the continent. For instance, in Cameroon, Page and Sunjo [43] identified a growing trend of informal land transactions in the small town of Buea. In Ghana, Ubink [44] observed continual land purchases by migrants, particularly in peri-urban Kumasi, where farmland is being converted into residential areas. Cote d’Ivoire displayed a similar pattern, as Berry [45] reported land transactions in the form of land purchases by migrants from local tribal members. These transactions were often characterised by relationships of clientage, wherein migrants provided annual gifts of farm produce and assistance to elders, chiefs, or family heads when called upon.

In Malawi, Jimu [14] witnessed the transformation of peri-urban villages in Blantyre into hubs to sell customary land to incoming migrants. These transactions thrived due to the growing peri-urbanisation and the monetisation of social relations, both of which influenced land decisions at the family and individual levels. In Ethiopia, Adam [17] demonstrated that land seekers frequently purchased land from local peri-urban farmers who possessed surplus land and feared its loss to expanding urban local authorities.

Notably, Zimbabwe has a longstanding history of land purchases by migrants. Cheater [46] reported cases of land transactions in the Chinamhora communal area of Domboshava. This trend extended to various communal and peri-urban areas of Zimbabwe, where migrants, including Mozambican refugees, acquired communal land through monetised purchase procedures. Hungwe [13] observed instances of direct land purchases in Domboshava, where land was acquired with or without existing homesteads. Some migrants in Zimbabwe also engaged in speculative hoarding of land, using it as a common business venture. Saruchera [47] conducted a study in Domboshava communal lands near Harare, revealing how the influx of low-paid urban dwellers fostered the growth of a vernacular sales market, intensifying competition for land used for cultivation. In Gokwe communal lands, Nyambara [48] detailed strategies employed by tribal and migrant members to exchange land outside formal procedures.

The types of informal land sale agreements are diverse and are influenced by different relationships between migrant purchasers and sellers [15]. Many of these transactions blend local cultural practices with elements that resemble more formal processes operating in conventional land markets [38]. For example, in Burkina Faso, Mathieu and colleagues [49] noted informal land sales where the transfer of land was documented on a written document signed by a local official. However, these documents intentionally avoided terms like ‘sell’ or ‘buy’ because the sale of customary land was prohibited under state law.

The timing and complexities of these negotiations are further influenced by a range of factors, such as the availability of financial resources, documentation, witnesses, family influence, and the involvement of local officials [36]. In some instances, negotiations between sellers and buyers culminated in written purchase contracts, signed by both parties and subsequently ratified by the village committee responsible for land rights transfer [1, 36].

These case studies demonstrate the multifaceted and context-dependent nature of informal land purchases in peri-urban areas, influenced by interactions between statutory and traditional authorities, directives from urban local authorities, economic constraints faced by migrants, and power struggles among various stakeholders. Scholars have approached the subject of peri-urban land transactions through different approaches, each offering valuable perspectives. Scholars such as Carrilho and Trindade [50] and Dadashpoor and Ahani [16] used comprehensive review approaches to understanding informal settlements, transactions and land tenure-related conflicts in peri-urban locales. Chimhowu [51] and Peters and Ubink [52] have focused on the legal and institutional frameworks governing land transactions. Their studies delve into the interplay between formal and informal institutions, unravelling their influence on land access, ownership, and transactional modalities. De Soto [53] and Toulmin [54] approached informal land transactions from an economic standpoint, accentuating the role of land as a productive asset. Their investigations explore the influence of economic factors, such as market dynamics and livelihood strategies, on peri-urban land transactions.

In the context of studying nimble peri-urban land transactions, an ethnographic approach was justified for several reasons. Ethnography affords an in-depth exploration of the social and cultural dimensions of land transactions, capturing the dynamic and context-specific nature of peri-urban life [55]. The immersive nature of ethnographic research facilitates the understanding of subtle nuances, power structures, and informal norms that shape land transactions in these areas. Furthermore, given the fluid and adaptive nature of nimble peri-urban land transactions, ethnography provided the flexibility to adjust the study in response to emerging patterns and behaviours. Further, establishing trust within communities is paramount, and ethnographic methods enable a researcher to access sensitive information that may not be readily available through alternative methodologies.

3 Methodology: ethnography among Lydiatians

This study originates from Doctoral research on Mobility and Sociality in Africa’s evolving urban and peri-urban landscape. The research, conducted over 2 years from 2018 to 2020, was underpinned by an ethnographic approach and revolves around Malawian migrants residing in peri-urban Zimbabwe. This qualitative ethnographic approach was selected as it affords a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the migrants’ land transaction dynamics.

As a research methodology, ethnography hinges on direct and sustained engagement with the subjects under study. It entails immersing oneself in the social milieu, diligently attending to shared meanings, and closely observing activities, all to capture the rich human experiences [56]. The ethnographic framework employed in this study combined elements of both emic and etic perspectives. Emic perspectives involved understanding the cultural phenomena from the insider’s viewpoint, embracing the subject’s own meanings and interpretations. On the other hand, Etic perspectives adopted an outsider’s analytical stance, offering an external interpretation of the observed behaviours [57]. This research emphasised the emic approach through participant observations and engagement in community activities, aiming to grasp the migrants’ perspectives on land transactions. Simultaneously, an etic approach was employed in the subsequent analysis, allowing for an objective interpretation and comparison of findings within the broader scholarly context. Ethnography provided a rich and detailed dataset, allowing the researcher to capture the complexity and nuance of social interactions and behaviours within the community [58]. This richness was vital for a holistic understanding of the land transaction dynamics among Malawian migrants in the peri-urban context. The immersive nature of ethnography facilitated the gaining of contextual insights, enabling the researcher to understand the social, cultural, and environmental factors that shaped land transactions in the Lydiate community [59]. Ethnography also allowed for adaptability to emerging patterns and a dynamic research environment. This flexibility was particularly crucial when studying nimble peri-urban land transactions that exhibited fluid and adaptive characteristics.

One challenge inherent in ethnography was the potential for researcher subjectivity. To mitigate this, reflexivity was practised throughout the study, acknowledging and critically reflecting on the researcher’s own biases and assumptions. Gaining access to the community and establishing trust was essential. Initial rapport-building activities were conducted, and community leaders were engaged to ensure acceptance and cooperation. Ongoing communication and transparency maintained trust throughout the research period. The ethnographic research also demanded a significant time commitment, and the researcher committed over 2 years to the study, allowing for a thorough understanding of the evolving dynamics within the community.

To encapsulate the migrants’ land access dynamics in the settlement, the researcher engaged in participant observations within Lydiate community. This involved keenly observing their daily communal activities and gaining insights into their complex relationship with the environment. Moreover, the researcher actively participated in various community events and gatherings, including church activities, Nyau ceremonies, community meetings, and informal youth gatherings. These immersive experiences offered valuable contextual insights into the social and land dynamics of the community.

In addition to participant observations, the researcher conducted in-depth interviews with a carefully selected group of participants. Among the many migrants encountered during fieldwork, approximately 50 individuals emerged as study participants for in-depth interviews this study. This selection was purposefully diverse, encompassing a wide range of migrants to account for the requisite variety and heterogeneity inherent in ethnographic and qualitative research. These participants represented both genders and a spectrum of marital statuses, including widowed, single, and married individuals. This diversity was instrumental in probing various facets of land transactions within the Lydiate community.

The research was guided by a set of pivotal questions, including:

• 1. What strategies do marginalised migrants in Lydiate employ to acquire land for settlement?

• 2. What are the sources of funds and the pricing mechanisms associated with land transactions in Lydiate?

• 3. Where do migrants primarily acquire land for purchase within the settlement?

• 4. What informal purchase arrangements and mechanisms characterise peri-urban land transactions in Lydiate?

• 5. How do social networks, trust, and legal considerations influence land acquisition strategies and their outcomes?

Conducting research among marginalised migrants necessitated a heightened commitment to research ethics. The vulnerable status of these migrants, particularly concerning their unresolved citizenship, demanded meticulous adherence to ethical standards. In this regard, data collection for this study commenced only after obtaining informed consent from the respondents. Participants were apprised of the research’s purpose and scope and decided to engage voluntarily after receiving comprehensive information about the study. Privacy and confidentiality were assured throughout the research process, and pseudonyms were employed to protect the identities of the migrants in both the research and subsequent findings. Notably, all photographic documentation was carried out with explicit permission from the study participants.

The data collected through ethnographic methods was subjected to rigorous thematic analysis to derive meaningful insights and patterns from the rich qualitative material. The process sequentially involved data familiarisation, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing and defining themes, data extraction, data interpretation, and final report writing.

4 Study context: Lydiate informal settlement

Lydiate informal settlement is a distinctive community within the borders of Zimbabwe, predominantly inhabited by individuals with Malawian roots, often referred to as ‘migrants.’ This characterisation, however, requires further clarification as it may be puzzling to label Lydiatians solely as ‘migrants.’ The term ‘migrant’ is used in this study to encompass a broader range of people at Lydiate, including those born and raised in Zimbabwe, spanning multiple generations. This is because the majority of the Malawian diaspora and their descendants have visibly remained with ‘migrant’ status, surviving at the fringes of Zimbabwean society, both socially and economically. They have consistently been labelled as ‘migrants’ or ‘the other,’ as exemplified by terms like “Vatevera njanji” (those who followed the railway line on foot), “Vabvakure” (those who came from afar), “Mabwidi” (those without rural homes), and ‘totem-less ones’ [60]. To provide clearer understanding of the dynamics at Lydiate, it is essential to look into the migration trajectories of Lydiatians. The initial influx of first-generation Malawian migrants to Lydiate Farm from Malawi occurred between the 1950s and the 1970s [61]. Subsequent arrivals of first-generation Lydiatians occurred during the 1980s, following employment experiences in various capacities on peri-urban farms. As for the second, third, and fourth generations, their birth years in Zimbabwe vary among families in Lydiate. The depth of generational diversity in Lydiate reveals the historical evolution of the community. Additionally, the community exhibits evidence of intermarriage between Malawians and Zimbabweans, resulting in a blend of cultures and practices. Nonetheless, the Malawian Chewa culture remains predominantly influential in the community, manifesting through customs such as Nyau, male circumcision, and Chinamwali [62]. Figure 1 illustrates the area of study—Lydiate.

Fig. 1

Source: Author

Location of the study area (Lydiate).

Lydiate informal settlement stands as a notable enclave of Malawian migrants within the borders of Zimbabwe. Situated within Mashonaland West Province, Lydiate finds its place in Ward 14, governed by the Chegutu Rural District Council. Geographically, it is located in the peri-urban vicinity of Norton town. The living conditions within the informal settlement present considerable challenges. Lydiatians often contend with discrimination from local indigenous populations who perceive them as squatters, leading to calls for their eviction to enhance the value of the recently developed agro-residential plots adjacent to the settlement. This prevailing threat of eviction discourages Lydiatians from making substantial long-term investments in improving their living conditions, relegating them to rudimentary shelters. Most housing structures in Lydiate range from temporary to semi-permanent shacks constructed from poles, dagga, tin and zinc roofing sheets, and various plastic and metal materials. A few middle-aged Lydiatians have constructed standard two-bedroom dwellings using farm bricks, cement for flooring, and iron sheets for roofing. The community infrastructure, such as running water, indoor plumbing, and paved roads, is nonexistent. Electricity is a luxury accessible only to a select few households. Similar to other African informal settlements, the overall livelihood situation in Lydiate is characterised by poverty. Figure 2 shows shacks and cramped living conditions at Lydiate informal settlement.

Fig. 2

Source: Fieldwork

Shacks and cramped living conditions at Lydiate informal settlement.

The prevalent casual and unskilled jobs in the area offer meagre wages to its residents. Petty farming in peri-urban areas fails to offer meaningful economic relief, as Lydiatians were not allocated land during the Fast Track Land Reform Programme of 2002, colloquially known as the ‘Third Chimurenga,’ which saw the redistribution of land from white colonial farmers to local Zimbabweans [63]. Consequently, the greater Lydiate area consists of plots and agro-residential plots exclusively owned by indigenous Zimbabweans, who occasionally employ Lydiatians for labour. Certain agro-residential properties and large-scale commercial farms situated to the immediate West are vacant, enticing migrants’ attention within the compound. Notably, a white man named Adam owns and operates a tobacco processing plant located in the heart of the village. While the plant once operated from May to September and employed nearly 500 migrants at its peak, it has been nonoperational for several years, further diminishing the employment prospects for Lydiatians who previously depended on it.

Organisational structures within the Lydiate community revolve around kin groups. These kin groups do not adhere to fixed spatial boundaries; members are dispersed throughout the settlement based on land availability. Elders within these kinship groups retain significance and occasionally convene to deliberate on matters impacting their members. A culture of reciprocity thrives among members, who offer assistance with basic needs and attend one another’s funerals and celebrations. Lydiatians exhibit internal distinctions based on the history of settlement. The community is divided into ‘vauyi vakare,’ denoting long-term migrants settled in the core of the settlement, and ‘vauyi vazvino,’ representing recent migrants settled on the periphery of the settlement in areas known as ‘kuma nyusitendi’ or new stands. The concept of “newcomers” in Lydiate, as mentioned in the differentiation between long-term residents and newcomers does not imply recent migration to Zimbabwe but signify internal mobility within the country to Lydiate. The internal mobility of Malawians in and out of Lydiate suggests a dynamic population with varied experiences.

Leadership within the community is well-defined. ‘MaSabhuku’ or village heads maintain a register, ‘bhuku,’ of the settlement and exercise influence within the compound. At a micro-level, the compound is divided into five units, each represented by a ‘Sabhuku’ selected by the community and officially appointed by Chief Chivero. ‘Vakuru-vakuru’ or big men also play an active role in the community, encompassing individuals like ‘vakuru venzvimbo’ (the Councillor), ‘vakuru vemusangano’ (the local political party chairperson), and ‘mukuru wevechidiki’ (the local youth chairman). It is customary for these leaders to move between Lydiate and the nearby towns of Harare and Norton, where they can significantly influence local politics, resource access, and security.

Religion holds a central place in the lives of Lydiatians, with a diversity of faiths observed in the community. Christianity and Islam predominate among the religious affiliations. Notably, a mosque is situated by the road, while multiple churches with their shrines dot the landscape within and around the compound. It is common for individuals to be members of multiple faiths, and visitors are encouraged to participate in various religious practices. The Nyau cult, with its enchanting and dramatic ceremonies, exerts its influence on settlement and related transactions. This cult organises dances and initiation rites for the youth, often scheduled for weekends, following church services. The leadership of Nyau is highly regarded within the community, with its leaders believed to possess ritual powers capable of invoking harm or illness upon those who defy its decisions [30].

5 Study results

5.1 Land purchase as a source of land in Lydiate

Regarding land access for both settlement and peri-urban farming, Lydiatians adopt various strategies including inheritance, fictive kin-based allocations, land seizures, rentals and purchase transactions. It is important to note that Lydiatians use fictive kin-based allocations, land seizures and rentals mainly to acquire land for peri-urban farming. These transactions often involve relationships with and land owned by indigenous Zimbabweans. However, when it comes to land for settlement, Lydiatians adopt inheritance, allocation from community leaders in the settlement and land purchase transactions. Land settlement dynamics only happen amongst Lydiatians and within the perimeter of the land demarcated for the compound. The surrounding land owned by Zimbabweans cannot be purchased for settlement since it is strictly gazetted as agricultural land allocated during the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. This paper only focuses on presenting land purchase dynamics in Lydiate. The findings of other land acquisition strategies are already published in other manuscripts [1, 10]. As a starting point, not everyone is able to inherit land for settlement in Lydiate. To begin with, some of the migrants do not have relatives or kin who can transfer land to them in any generational sense. This applies more to those who are recent migrants, known in Lydiate as ‘vauyi vekuuya zvino.’¹ Then there are those who do not have the privilege of getting land allocation from community leaders in the settlement. This applies mostly to those who have fallen out of favour with those leaders who allocate land. Cephas, whose case shall be discussed later, was one such individual who failed to get land from village heads because of his alleged insubordination. Cephas’ case illustrates that not everyone in Lydiate is able to acquire land through the dominant strategies of inheritance and seizures.

For those who do not inherit land and still require it for their own private use, there are other options, particularly land purchase or what informants called ‘kubvisira nzvimbo mari or kutenga nzvimbo.’² De Soto [53] argues that property rights, including the ability to buy and sell land, are essential for economic development. The concept of ‘kubvisira nzvimbo mari or kutenga nzvimbo,’ or land purchase, reflects the agility required by migrants to navigate the complexities of land acquisition in Lydiate. This resonates with the idea of nimble or agile development discussed by scholars like Dovey [64], emphasising the need for tactical urbanism, incremental urbanism and flexibility in addressing challenges associated with rapid urbanisation and informal settlements. Figure 3 shows some of the structures built after land allocations through nimble peri-urban transactions at Lydiate informal settlement.

Fig. 3

Source: Field work

Structures built after land allocations through nimble peri-urban transactions.

Several cases from the study highlighted this important dynamic of land purchase in accessing land in the informal settlement. Robert Gava, a recent migrant in Lydiate narrated:

I came to Lydiate as a newcomer, and I did not have any family ties to secure land. My only option was to buy land, as I had no one to inherit it from. In this place, we, the newcomers, are known as ‘vauyi vekuuya zvino,’ and purchasing land is our lifeline to find a place to settle.³

Another resident, Grace Kambucha, who was facing difficulties in obtaining land in Lydiate, also narrated how, without obtaining favour from the community leaders, land purchase is the only measure of last resort. She had this to say:

I tried to seek land through the community leaders, but they would not allocate any to me. It is not easy when you fall out of favour with them. So, I had to resort to buying land to secure a place for myself. In Lydiate, it is not always about inheriting or seizing land; sometimes, you must purchase it to have a place to call home.⁴

Lastly, and in a closely similar case, John Mangwiro also highlighted the challenges newcomers face in securing land in Lydiate especially when they perceive you as rebellious. John narrated:

The village heads were not willing to give me land because they said I was too rebellious. I was left with no choice but to buy a piece of land. It is the only way to ensure you have your place in this community. I see many newcomers like me doing the same - buying their own land to find their space in Lydiate.⁵

Thus, in the dynamic landscape of Lydiate, it is clear that not everyone enjoys the privilege of inheriting or unilaterally seizing land. This distinction is particularly salient among the recent migrants referred to as ‘vauyi vekuuya zvino.’ Without the generational ties or community favour necessary for allocation or inheritance, land purchase emerges as a vital strategy. The following section presents the sources of money and prices of land in Lydiate.

The experiences of recent migrants in Lydiate, such as Robert Gava, Grace Kambucha, and John Mangwiro, echo the broader narrative of migration and precarity in Africa. The term ‘vauyi vekuuya zvino’ encapsulates the vulnerability of those who lack generational ties or community favor for land allocation. This resonates with the works of scholars like De Haas et al. [65] and Landau [66], who highlight the precarious nature of contemporary migration and the challenges faced by individuals seeking new settlement spaces. The case of Cephas, who faced challenges in acquiring land due to alleged insubordination, brings attention to issues of identity and conflict within African communities. This aligns with the broader literature on land-based conflicts and their impact on social cohesion [20, 67]. Cephas’s experience reveals how land disputes can shape access dynamics like the adoption of nimble land purchase transactions in this case, and/ or contribute to the precarity of certain individuals. This also prompts reflections on justice and inclusivity regarding access to land in the African city space. The inability of some migrants to inherit or allocate land through conventional means raises questions about the fairness of existing systems in the African migrant communities. This aligns with the discourse on justice in land distribution, as discussed by Boone [68] in the context of Africa, emphasising the need for more inclusive and equitable land policies.

5.2 Sources of money and prices of land in Lydiate

Land in Lydiate is often bought using savings from what Lydiatians call ‘maricho’ or casual labour.⁶ But land is also often bought using income from petty commodity trading. Brighton Chimina secured his piece of land using funds raised from trading in bananas and pineapples from the Eastern Highlands.⁷ Figure 4 shows Brighton Chimina’s bunches of bananas which he sells as his main livelihood at Lydiate. Cephas sold bricks to other settlers to get enough earnings to buy his own house.⁸

Fig. 4

Source: Fieldwork

Brighton Chimina’s bunches of bananas which he sells as his main livelihood at Lydiate.

Those who purchase land quote different amounts of money paid for land I found to be roughly of the same size. Cephas Waenda narrated thus:

I bought this stand for 40 dollars from Eliot, who is now staying out of this compound—close to Bulawayo Road. There was no single structure when I bought this stand. I have managed to build my own kitchen, and I am yet to build the bedroom. That is where my plan is.⁹

Another informant, 39-year-old Brighton Chimina, who is also a neighbour to Cephas, stated: ‘I paid $60 in total for the stand that is big enough to build a kitchen and bedroom.’

Participants in the study felt that land should be of the same value. In my observation, the nature of the relationship between the two parties in the deal accounts for the difference in the price of land. Where the seller is related to the buyer, it is common to fix a lower price. Cephas received a favourable price because the seller was his friend, and the two could be seen together at the beer stalls every weekend. In contrast, Brighton was charged a hefty 60 US dollars by Mr. Kede, who was not related to him. Generally, people were happy that they paid a fair amount for their property. Sometimes, the cost of the property was for land only, the house only or both the land and the house. Brighton paid for both the land and a structure that was already on the land, while Cephas only paid for the land that did not have any other structure on it.

In formal land markets, prices of land are usually high and publicly advertised. When the land is purchased, the procedure for payment is long, with an initial deposit followed by payment instalments that may be spread over several years. Further, the key factors influencing the price of land in formal markets are often well gazetted, like the plot size, location, the existence or absence of a registered certificate of title, neighbourhood characteristics and the quality of available infrastructure and social services. In Lydiate, though, the factors influencing price were very fluid, with the degree of social connection between the buyer and the seller playing a major role. Of interest is that the majority of other respondents in Lydiate did not know what their neighbours engaged in a land deal, and yet more the amount of money paid for the property.

The sources of money and the pricing dynamics of land in Lydiate provides valuable insights into the economic dimensions of land acquisition in migrant informal settlements. The findings resonate with broader discussions on informal land markets, emphasising the role of informal economic activities and social relationships in shaping the access and pricing of land [69]. The revelation that land in Lydiate is commonly acquired through savings from ‘maricho’ or casual labor highlights the reliance on informal economic activities for financing land purchases [33]. Figure 5 shows some of the agro residential plots where Lydiatians do ‘maricho’ or offer casual labour to raise money to livelihood and buying land.

Fig. 5

Source: Fieldwork

Farming activities (livestock and crop production) at nearby farms where Lydiatians often get employed.

Gifford [69] emphasised the significance of the informal economy in providing livelihoods and capital accumulation. The cases of Brighton Chimina trading in bananas and pineapples and Cephas selling bricks in Lydiate demonstrate the diverse and entrepreneurial means individuals employ to secure funds for land acquisition. The observed variability in land prices in Lydiate, despite the roughly similar land size, highlights the importance of social connections in shaping economic transactions. The case of Cephas, who obtained a favourable price due to his friendship with the seller, contrasts with Brighton’s experience of being charged a higher amount by a non-related seller. Granovetter [70] emphasises how social ties influence economic interactions. In formal land markets, prices are often influenced by standardised factors, while Lydiate’s informal market showcases the nuanced role of personal relationships in pricing negotiations. In contrast to formal markets, where factors such as plot size, location, and infrastructure dictate land prices, Lydiate’s land market operates with fluid dynamics. Conviviality, that is, social connections between buyers and sellers, emerged as significant determinants, highlighting the informal and context-specific nature of transactions. Bhanye and Dzingirai [1] argued that informal markets are characterised by flexibility and adaptability, with social relationships shaping economic exchanges. The revelation that the majority of respondents in Lydiate are unaware of their neighbours’ land deals and the associated costs reveals the secrecy characterising migrant peri-urban land markets. This lack of transparency contrasts sharply with formal markets, where prices are publicly advertised and transaction details are well-documented.

5.3 Sources of land for purchase

But who are the sources of land for purchase in Lydiate? These are clearly multiple, but I shall focus on two that appeared dominant. In the first case, a person could secure land from those migrating from the settlement. This was evident from the case of Cephas:

My friend Eliot sold me this stand, and I am very certain he does not intend to return to this community as he had secured somewhere to stay permanently close to Norton Town.¹⁰

As stated in the area of study (Lydiate community) section to this piece, people are rapidly moving in and out of the settlement in response to better opportunities elsewhere. It is possible that Eliot may have now established himself in the growing town of Norton; that is what other young migrants at Lydiate dream of.¹¹

The case of Cephas highlights a notable source of land for purchase in Lydiate, wherein individuals secure land from those migrating out of the settlement. This reflects a broader trend in the literature, where people move in response to improved opportunities elsewhere [65]. The dynamics of migration not only shape settlement patterns but also influence the availability of land within informal communities [71]. The example of Cephas purchasing land from Eliot, who had secured permanent residence near Norton Town, reveals the fluidity of settlement patterns and the evolving nature of community structures.

Other people could secure land from those with multiple lots. Such sources of land are common in Lydiate. These are common because it is morally unacceptable in the community to hold on to multiple properties when others are experiencing want and neglect, which Lydiatians call ‘kukwangwaya’.¹² The issue of holding onto multiple properties when others face want, and neglect is a significant factor in African peri-urban areas (See, for example, [12]). This raises questions on ethics and justice in land distribution, emphasising the communal responsibility to address disparities in land access [68]. The practice of discouraging the accumulation of multiple properties, as in the case of Lydiate community, contributes to a more equitable distribution of resources within the community.

Land buyers in the community also rely heavily on family networks, friends and neighbours to gain information about plots for sale. 30-year-old James Goredema was tipped off by his friend Gwejegweje that Mr. Kapela was about to move out of the community permanently and was secretly looking for someone to buy his property. James went on to approach Mr. Kapela with the help of his friend Gwejegweje, who helped negotiate the deal—acting as the broker between the two parties.¹³ The reliance on family networks, friends, and neighbors for information about available plots for sale aligns with literature on social capital and its role in shaping economic transactions [72]. This not only speaks to the informal nature of these exchanges but also highlights the role of conviviality or interpersonal relationships as key drivers in accessing land within the community. The involvement of friends as brokers in land transactions, as seen in James Goredema’s case, adds another layer to the discussion. This intermediary role reflects the complex negotiation processes inherent in informal land markets. Such dynamics contribute to the nimble nature of these transactions, emphasising the interpersonal skills and community connections required for successful land acquisition.

5.4 Land purchase arrangements in Lydiate

For the purchase of land to be legitimate in Lydiate compound, certain conditions must be met. First, there must be some credible witness. One migrant, Patience Muselema, invited her elderly relatives to witness the land transaction.¹⁴ While her neighbour Conoria did not involve relatives, he nevertheless invited a neighbour who holds a position in the local church.¹⁵ The behaviour of the seller plays a significant role in the conclusion of land transactions. Often, it is only after the informal buyer has developed trust in the behaviour and reliability of the seller that the process of negotiation for the transaction will proceed. As a result, it is possible to say that informal land transactions among migrants are mainly built on trust, sometimes with no legal documents involved. This reliance on trust resonates with the broader literature on informal economies and markets, where interpersonal relationships are central in facilitating transactions [7, 15]. The observation that informal land transactions are primarily built on trust aligns with the notion that trust is a crucial currency in the informal economic sphere [1].

Second, where there are no witnesses, a written agreement is required. Brighton Chimina stated this thus: ‘We did a written agreement with Mr. Kede who sold me this stand. On the paper, we had details that included our names, date of transaction, amount paid and signatures.’¹⁶ Agreements are usually not elaborate but can be a scribbled note indicating who the seller is and who the buyer is. The one I observed relating to the sale by Mr. Kede to Brighton was written on an Exercise Book sheet and with no stamp or address of the parties. This ‘letter of agreement’ or ‘certificate of title’ between the buyer and seller acts as an informal means of proving ownership. Thus, as in the case of actual land purchase in formal settings, contracts are important documents since they protect migrants’ rights to the purchased land. The necessity of a written agreement in the absence of witnesses reflects a pragmatic approach to legitimising land transactions. The flexible nature of these agreements, often scribbled notes lacking formal stamps or addresses, contrasts sharply with formal land markets. The significance of these informal ‘letters of agreement’ or ‘certificates of title’ in proving ownership echoes the literature on property rights, emphasising the adaptability and context-specific nature of documentation in informal settings [53].

Though not adjudicated by formal legal processes, these informal practices indeed completed the transaction, and this meant that sellers could not go back on the sale. Although the contracts signed by transacting parties in front of witnesses or community elders have no formal legal ground, they nonetheless play a significant role in avoiding future land-related conflicts between the transacting parties. The role of such informal contracts in maintaining social harmony aligns with discussions on the informal mechanisms of conflict resolution within communities [1, 21]. Many migrants view the ‘purchase’ of land as conferring ownership in perpetuity that will allow their children to inherit the land. Still, there are cases where sellers sometimes move to recover their land, like the case of Philip, who wanted to recover his land from Mr. Phiri because he now had nowhere to go.¹⁷ The usual practice, though, in the study area is for the sellers to respect their word and signature. It is also the norm for the community as a whole to respect such land tenure arising from these sales. The perception among migrants that the ‘purchase’ of land confers ownership in perpetuity, allowing for intergenerational inheritance, resonates with discussions on the cultural and symbolic importance of land in Africa [68]. The desire for a lasting legacy and the assurance of a stable future for one’s children through land ownership reflect broader societal values embedded in the notion of property rights. While the norm is for sellers to respect their word and signature, occasional challenges arise, such as the case of Philip seeking to recover his land from Mr. Phiri. This exception demonstrates the complexities inherent in informal land transactions and the potential for conflicts to arise, necessitating further exploration of conflict resolution mechanisms and the evolution of informal norms over time.

6 Emerging issues from the study

Several issues emerge from this study (Fig. 6). First, the findings presented in this study confirm that informal land transactions are common in peri-urban spaces, particularly among neglected population groups. Malawian migrants at Lydiate seem to acquire land through the same modes as many other migrants on the margins or other native Zimbabweans of similar socio-economic status—that is through informal peri-urban land transactions. Indeed, from the scientific literature on peri-urban spaces, it is evident that informal land transactions are a common way of accessing land in peri-urban areas of African cities—for urban-born as well as for internal and international migrants—and for a wide range of socio-economic groups. Many recent studies emphasise the diversity of actors engaging in informal land transactions in peri-urban spaces [71, 73,74,75,76,77,78]. However, the distinction created by the migrant variable in both the degree of precarity and desperation for land and also the nature or dynamics involved in the land transactions cannot be overlooked.

Fig. 6

Source: Author

Word cloud of emerging issues from the study.

Second, the link between ‘newcomer’ status in Lydiate and the need to acquire land on the informal market was common in the study. While it is reasonable to speculate that being a newcomer in Lydiate shapes the necessity to acquire land through informal channels, there is a distinction in relation to the broader status of recent general migrants to Zimbabwe whose interests perhaps might not be to secure permanent settlements. Further, while it is plausible that even native Zimbabweans who recently moved to Lydiate might encounter similar challenges in acquiring land, unlike the marooned Malawian descendants at Lydiate, Zimbabweans still have other options for acquiring land. In fact, Zimbabwean land seekers who fail to secure land at Lydiate can go and get land somewhere else (the communal or rural land, for example), unfortunately, Lydiatians only have Lydiate settlement as their home of last resort.

Another emerging issue from the study was the nature and character of the informal land market in Lydiate and how that compares to other research on the operation of informal land markets in African cities. From the findings, Lydiate presents a relatively well-functioning informal land market characterised by high degrees of conviviality, trust and established social practices. However, like other peri-urban land markets, there are also dysfunctionalities in the operation of the informal land market in Lydiate, such as double sales and land disputes. These dysfunctionalities, however, tend to be quickly resolved within the secretive and closed migrant community. This contrasts with other African studies revealing more contentious informal land markets in countries like Ghana, resulting in conflicts in circumstances of inheritance, widowhood, and divorces [20, 67].

While informal peri-urban land transactions facilitate land access among migrants, like in the case of Lydiate, the legal status of informal land ownership in such areas is uncertain, and individuals who purchase land informally may face challenges in securing tenure rights. The perception of informal land ownership by state authorities and the court systems can vary, but in most cases, informal land transactions are not legally recognised, leading to potential risks for individuals who purchase land in peri-urban spaces. State authorities may view such transactions as unauthorised or illegal, making occupants vulnerable to eviction. Of note is that the risk of eviction, with or without compensation, may arise if there are competing interests in the land. For example, individuals with informal land ownership may be at risk if a farm owner or a private developer wishes to expand their operations or if local authorities plan to develop the area for public projects, housing estates, or infrastructure. However, in such instances, protection from evictions through strategic and transactional means like political patronage comes into play. In Zimbabwe, the relationship between settlers and the ruling party, ZANU PF (Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front), plays a significant role in providing protection against evictions [11, 12]. Settlers who align themselves with ZANU PF often gain political patronage, which acts as a form of protection against eviction. Political connections and support for the ruling party create a sense of loyalty, and in return, individuals expect political backing when facing challenges such as evictions [3, 10, 11]. While the government of Zimbabwe has made efforts to address land tenure issues and promote more secure land rights, challenges persist, and the situation can be complex, especially when dealing with migrants of international descent.

The findings of this study also illuminate a fascinating way of land trading, acquisition, and holding practices among marginalised migrants in the peri-urban context of Lydiate—‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions.’ The term ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ characterises the distinctive and responsive nature of land trading, acquisition and holding practices among marginalised migrants in the peri-urban context of Lydiate. Differing from general informal land transactions observed by other scholars, such as Hungwe [13] and Kihato and colleagues [36], the concept of ‘nimble’ emphasises the quick adaptability and flexibility inherent in these transactions, allowing migrants to navigate the complexities of land acquisition swiftly.

In contrast to formal land markets known for their rigidity and bureaucratic processes, nimble peri-urban land purchase transactions display remarkable flexibility. This agility is observable through diverse convivial strategies, such as purchasing land from fellow migrants and responding to opportunities created by individuals leaving the community. These practices stand apart from conventional land markets and showcase a nimbleness in navigating the peri-urban landscape. As highlighted by studies from scholars like Berner [79] and Rakodi and Leduka [80], the significance of social networks and trust in these transactions further sets them apart. Nimble transactions also rely heavily on convivial relations with community leaders, neighbours, and fictive kin as brokers or witnesses, underlining the essential role of social connections in the agility of these land acquisition practices. Contrary to the chaotic perception often associated with informal land markets, nimble transactions maintain a sense of orderliness. This orderliness, grounded in local customs, conviviality and trust-based relationships, sets them apart, as observed in other studies on informal land transactions by various scholars [12, 13, 36]. While informal, nimble peri-urban land transactions operate according to an inherent sense of order and structure. This orderliness, mirroring formal or normative methods of land access, is distinct from the perceived chaos associated with informal land markets in urban development literature. The sophistication of the system underlying these transactions is a key differentiator from conventional informal land practices.

7 Conclusion

The findings of this study reveal a captivating and complex landscape of land acquisition, holding, and trading practices within the peri-urban context of Lydiate. In order to encapsulate the agility, resourcefulness, and distinctive characteristics of these practices, this paper introduced the term ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions.’ This term, as understood within the framework of this study, goes beyond the traditional notions of informality, encompassing not only extralegal and informal aspects but also emphasising flexibility, agility, conviviality and invisibility in land acquisition. What sets ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ apart from conventional informal land transactions characterisation is the profound role played by ‘conviviality’ in creating a congenial atmosphere for the acquisition and security of land rights. Thus, conviviality is not only a social dynamic but also as a catalyst for legitimising and authenticating land transactions, with individuals in convivial connections acting as essential intermediaries, witnesses, and mediators. Their contributions proved instrumental in maintaining spatial orderliness within the community, demonstrating that informal land transactions are not always chaotic or disorderly as perceived in literature but can adhere to a well-structured set of ‘nimble’ norms and mechanisms that regulate land access and ownership.

An intriguing aspect of this study is how ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ closely mirror formal or conventional land access methods despite their informal and often extralegal nature. The informal transactions maintain an inherent sense of order and structure, albeit grounded in local customs and trust-based relationships. Perhaps, from this observation, a significant insight from this study is the dispelling of misconceptions regarding the legality of informal settlements. Bureaucrats and policymakers frequently label such settlements as illegal or squatter areas, inadvertently neglecting the pivotal role of informal land transactions in urban and peri-urban land markets. ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ represent an essential element of land access strategies for marginalised migrants. They not only provide a lifeline for individuals and families seeking a place to call home but also contribute substantially to the overall urbanisation and development of peri-urban areas. Recognising the legitimacy and significance of these informal land practices is crucial for formulating effective policies that address the needs and rights of these marginalised communities.

In light of these findings, it is imperative to highlight this study’s broader implications and contributions to the field of peri-urban land studies. ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ represent not only a pragmatic means of land access but also a microcosm of the complex dynamics at play within peri-urban areas. Thus, this study advances the understanding of the complexities inherent in the broader context of peri-urban land dynamics. The study challenges prevailing notions of land governance by emphasising the importance of recognising and comprehending not only the ‘informality’ but also the ‘nimble transactions’ that characterise land markets in peri-urban areas. It calls for a more holistic approach to land governance, acknowledging that rigid formalities may not adequately address marginalised populations’ unique needs and realities in these contexts. Furthermore, the study highlights the pivotal role of conviviality or social networks and trust in shaping informal land transactions, emphasising the profound significance of community cohesion in peri-urban settings. It reveals how these social bonds are instrumental in the functioning of ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions,’ offering valuable insights for researchers, policymakers, and urban planners.

Based on these contributions, the paper suggests several areas for future research that can build upon this study’s findings. Conducting comparative studies across multiple peri-urban settlements can provide a broader perspective on commonalities and variations in land acquisition strategies and practices, enriching our understanding of peri-urban dynamics. Longitudinal studies tracking changes in land dynamics over time are essential, given the evolving nature of peri-urban areas due to ongoing urbanisation. This would help assess how ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ adapt and change over time. Evaluating the impact of policies aimed at formalising informal land transactions in peri-urban areas can offer crucial insights into their effectiveness in ensuring land tenure security for marginalised migrants.

Finally, understanding peri-urban land dynamics transcends academic interest; it carries profound implications for sustainable urban development, social equity, and the well-being of marginalised populations. As urbanisation continues to reshape peri-urban landscapes, policymakers, researchers, and stakeholders must acknowledge the unique challenges and opportunities presented by these areas. ‘Nimble peri-urban land transactions’ exemplify the adaptability and resourcefulness of migrants in securing a foothold in these dynamic spaces, and recognising their legitimacy and significance is a crucial step towards more inclusive and equitable peri-urban development.