Abstract
This study examines the proposition that the ideological structure of “Western Marxism” began to unravel after 1989 and the end of the Cold War, and that it is now largely falling apart. The argument proceeds in three steps, the first of which is an overview of Western Marxism’s ideological structure. The second step analyses a number of deeply critical assessments of Western Marxism from within the contexts of the few countries of the world that make up the “West.” The fact that these critical and often polemical studies are appearing indicates the breakdown of Western Marxism’s former hegemony. The third step deals with more constructive material, including the Western “recovery” of Engels, and especially the dialectics of nature, as well as the impact of the major achievements in the theory and practice of Marxism from developing countries, in the context of socialism in power.
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Notes
The following section summarizes the argument of an earlier article (Boer 2023).
We do find the term “Western Marxism” used by Karl Korsch in an essay from 1930, but his usage is strictly geographical: Marxism in Western Europe in relation to “Russian Marxism” (Korsch [1930] 2008). With the geographical location came political differences, especially in light of the criticisms of the Bolsheviks by Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg, among others, and the sharp reposte already by Lenin ([1918] 1965).
Since the readership of this article may include Chinese scholars, the citations include English and Chinese versions of the text where needed.
As with so many assertions like this, it is incorrect. Marx also used the terminology of “scientific socialism” (Marx [1880] 1998, 542).
Anderson also misrepresents the “rigour” of the Communist Party’s “discipline.” In doing so, he invokes the standard “bogeyman” of Western Marxism, Stalin, and writes of the “Stalinisation” of Communist Parties and the “stifling” of intellectual endeavour. Anderson’s Trotskyite predilections—so common among Western Marxists—come to the fore here.
The engagement with Western religion has a much longer history (Boer 2014), but my interest here is with the more recent Western Marxist “turn” to religion.
It is not uncommon to find the suspicion of the state and national liberation expressed as a wariness of “nationalism,” which is seen to be opposed to Marxism’s assumed emphasis on class struggle.
The initial name of the journal, established under the leadership of Carl Grünberg, was Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung (Archive for the History of Socialism and the Workers’ Movement). When Max Horkeimer took over as leader of the Institute at the end of the 1920s, the title changed to the more innocuous Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung (Journal for Social Research).
As Stefano Azzarà has observed (personal communication), the path for so many supposedly “Left” thinkers in Europe has led to overt support for imperialist wars of aggression. Apart from Habermas, we may also think of Agnes Heller and Slavoj Žižek, although neither counts in the least as a Marxist. On the right-wing and racist proclivities of “capitalism’s court-jester” Žižek, see Rockhill (2023).
Rockhill (2022) describes the Rockefellers as “one of the greatest gangster families in the history of US capitalism.”
They also described Adorno and the others as “Scheißkritische Theoretiker [shit-critical theorists]” (Rockhill 2022).
As Rockhill points out, Adorno calling the police on student activists and pressing charges against their leader was simply a continuation of a whole direction.
We may add here the approach suggested by Griese (1987; see also 1981; 1989), who emphasized the parallels and reciprocal working relationship between Marx and Engels in relation to the natural sciences. Griese led the MEGA teams editing both Engels’s Dialectics of Nature (MEGA I.26, published in 1985), as well as Marx’s notes on geology, minerology, and agricultural chemistry (MEGA IV.26, publishe.d in 2011)
Both the initial essay and the book will be published in English translation early in 2023. The first translation of the book into another language was into Chinese (Losurdo 2022).
For a recent analysis of the continued avoidance of the question of racism by US Marxists such as Fredric Jameson, and an argument that racism is crucial for a Marxist-Leninist approach to class struggle, see Wendland-Liu (2022).
“The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e. of the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the total of productive forces [Produktionskräfte] as rapidly as possible” (Marx and Engels [1848] 1976, 504; [1848] 2009, 52).
Worth noting here is the fact that when a socialist country does manage to achieve significant development in productive forces, it also scores highly and is a major contributor to global justice (see Gu et al. 2022).
Earlier, I put this in terms of “before” and “after October,” before and after a successful socialist revolution.
The focus of this study concerns debates within a Western context. It would be another task to analyse how, for example, Chinese Marxist scholarship has approached and understood Western Marxism. The study by Chen Shuguang (2018, 10) indicates an initial rejection as not Marxist at all, a shift from the 1980s to deeper engagement, and then the assessment that Western Marxism is a tributary of the mainstream and is characterized by utopian tendencies and a “one-sided profundity.”
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Boer, R. The End of Western Marxism? On the Unravelling of an Ideological Structure. Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci. 16, 123–143 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40647-023-00369-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40647-023-00369-x