Abstract
Strategies aimed at reducing negative attitudes toward immigrants are at the core of integration policies. A large literature shows that misperceptions about the size and characteristics of immigrants are common. A few studies implemented interventions to correct innumeracy regarding the size of the immigrant population, but they did not detect any effects on attitudes. We study whether providing information not only about the size but also about the characteristics of the immigrant population can have stronger effects. We conduct two online experiments with samples from the United States, providing one-half of the participants with five statistics about immigration. This information bundle improves people’s attitudes toward current legal immigrants. Most effects are driven by Republicans and other groups with more negative initial attitudes toward immigrants. In our second experiment, we show that treatment effects persist one month later. Finally, we analyze a large cross-country survey experiment to provide external validity to the finding that information about the size of the foreign-born population is not enough to change policy views. We conclude that people with negative views on immigration before the intervention can become more supportive of immigration if their misperceptions about the characteristics of the foreign-born population are corrected.
Similar content being viewed by others
Data Availability
The data are available on the Open Science Framework on the following link: https://osf.io/rhz8n/.
Notes
Throughout the text, we define immigrants as people living in the country but who were not born in that country.
A large literature has studied the determinants of people’s attitudes toward immigrants (Alba et al. 2005; Hainmueller et al. 2015; Scheve and Slaughter 2001). Previous studies have focused on characteristics such as age, media exposure, competition in the labor market, exposure to immigrants, education, or income that are correlated with people’s attitudes toward immigrants (Card et al. 2012; Citrin et al. 1997; Facchini and Mayda 2009; Haaland and Roth 2018; Mayda 2006). Others have included the real or the perceived size of the immigrant group as a key correlate (Gallagher 2003; Hjerm 2007; Hooghe and de Vroome 2015; Semyonov et al. 2004).
Although our results are in line with the notion of a “deserving” immigrant category, our interventions do nothing to encourage moralizing classifications or to advocate support for only one category of immigrants. Andrews (2018) studied how the combination of expanded immigration enforcement and good/bad moralizing classifications can affect undocumented immigrants. Menjívar and Lakhani (2016) showed how the process of applying for legal status can trigger enduring changes by which immigrants try to behave according to the “deserving” immigrant profile.
An influential paper has documented the existence of backfire effects (Nyhan and Reifler 2010), where people’s beliefs actually are reinforced in the face of contradictory evidence. However, recent evidence indicates that these types of backfire effects might not be so common (Guess and Coppock 2018; Wood and Porter 2019).
A precise definition of these families of outcomes can be found in the online appendix.
Previous literature has cast doubt on whether interventions can have persistent effects on beliefs. For example, Flores (2018) found that the effect of anti-immigrant rhetoric by political elites does not persist more than two weeks and attributed them to social desirability bias. In contrast, Herda (2017, 2019a) showed that a classroom activity can correct misperceptions among students, with effects persisting five weeks later; Herda did not, however, examine whether the correction generated changes in attitudes or policy preferences.
Because the sample is not drawn from a probability-based sample, it is not representative in terms of variables not targeted by the quota.
TNS provided us with 1,193 observations rather than 1,000 as we had specified in the pre-analysis plan because they made an error in a count variable, which meant that they underestimated the number of observations and therefore accidentally provided us with a larger sample.
The attrition rate was very low (smaller than 2%). We find no evidence of differential attrition across treatment arms.
Our survey question includes mutually exclusive options for White, Hispanic, Black, Asian, or other ethnicity. Therefore, our White category includes those identifying as Whites, and we cannot distinguish between Hispanic and non-Hispanic Whites.
We chose these statistics for two main reasons. First, as we described in the related literature section, evidence shows that people are particularly concerned about these issues. Americans prefer immigrants who are employed, speak English, and are documented. Second, census data are available on these issues, which increases the reliability of the information we provide.
Only participants with a link can see the petition until at least 150 people sign it, after which it becomes public. Moreover, if the petition reaches 100,000 signatures in 30 days, it is entitled to receive an official reply from the White House.
Robust standard errors are used throughout the analysis.
Among pre-specified covariates, we include measures of prior beliefs, which are missing for less than 2% of our respondents. We impute their values using the set of pre-specified controls displayed in the balance table. In an earlier working paper (Grigorieff et al. 2016), we showed that results were very similar when we did not include the covariates Xi in the regression.
For each family of outcomes, we control for a false discovery rate of 5% (Anderson 2008).
We found that more educated people, males, and people who live in zip code areas with a small share of immigrants tend to have less biased beliefs about the share and characteristics of immigrants (Grigorieff et al. 2016). These findings are consistent with previous research on the determinants of innumeracy in the United States (Alba et al. 2005; Laméris et al., 2018a; Nadeau et al. 1993) and Europe (Herda 2010).
On average, Republicans have a significantly more negative view of immigrants than Democrats for all our outcomes. This is in line with evidence that immigration enforcement is higher in states with a larger share of Republican constituents (Moinester 2018).
We asked respondents some additional questions on the respective contributions of legal and undocumented immigrants, for which we find consistent effects. These estimates are reported in Grigorieff et al. (2016).
About 10% of our sample signed the petition, suggesting that we had sufficient variation to detect treatment effects.
The number of people who reported having signed the petition (25%) is higher than the number of signatures, which can partly be explained by the fact that signing the petition was a multistage process. People who signed the petition received a confirmation email containing a link that they had to click to confirm their signature. If they did not complete this second step, their signature was not counted. People’s intention to sign the petition and their self-reported signature are strongly correlated with their self-reported support for increasing the number of green cards for immigrants.
Another piece of evidence indicating that MTurk data are of high quality is a very high correlation (of around .80) between responses in the follow-up and in the main survey among control group participants.
We randomized the order of the sections in the survey. Half of the sample estimated the five statistics first and then answered the set of self-reported questions on immigration, and the other half answered the self-reported questions first. We find no significant order effects.
People in the control group did not update their beliefs in the follow-up, indicating that they did not make the effort to look up the information we provided to the treatment group.
Our measures of beliefs and attitudes toward immigrants are strongly correlated with people’s self-reported policy preferences regarding immigration. These results were not pre-specified and are available upon request.
Republicans represent 28% of the pooled sample (32% of the TNS sample and 23% of the MTurk sample); the share of Democrats is 45% in the TNS sample and 58% in the MTurk sample. Both the share and observable characteristics of Republicans and Democrats in treatment and control groups are well balanced.
In Grigorieff et al. (2016), we employed a machine learning algorithm to identify the most significant sources of heterogeneous treatment effects (Athey and Imbens 2016). The algorithm confirmed that political affiliation is the factor that most strongly predicts heterogeneous responses to the treatment.
In an additional pre-specified analysis, we examine heterogeneous treatment effects by participants’ biases in beliefs using three different definitions of biases. We find that people with larger biases in beliefs seem to respond more strongly to information. However, this effect is not statistically significant for most families of outcomes, which could be due to measurement error given that we do not know how people weigh the biases for the five statistics we measure. Results are available upon request.
In Germany and in the United Kingdom, only people with access to a landline were surveyed. In Poland and Russia, participants were randomly selected from the general population, and face-to-face interviews were conducted. Response rates for phone interviews ranged from 4% in France, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands, to 27% in the United States. Face-to-face interviews had higher response rates: 49% in Russia and 40% in Poland (Stelzenmueller et al. 2015; Wunderlich et al. 2010).
To obtain a sample that is as representative as possible for each country, we use the probability weights constructed by the Transatlantic Trends Survey. Our results are not affected by the use of these weights.
Results are robust to the inclusion or exclusion of control variables, and wave and country fixed effects. The sample is well balanced across the treatment and control group, as is highlighted in Table A2 in the online appendix.
Flores (2018) showed that altering the source of negative statements about immigrants does not have differential effects on attitudes, but changing the polarity of the message does: only negative messages have an effect.
References
Alba, R., Rumbaut, R. G., & Marotz, K. (2005). A distorted nation: Perceptions of racial/ethnic group sizes and attitudes toward immigrants and other minorities. Social Forces, 84, 901–919.
Alesina, A., Miano, A., & Stantcheva, S. (2018). Immigration and redistribution (NBER Working Paper No. 24733). Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from https://www.nber.org/papers/w24733.pdf
American Immigration Council. (2016). American Immigration Council: Brochure. Retrieved from http://www.ailany.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/AIC-Brochure-PDF.pdf
Anderson, M. L. (2008). Multiple inference and gender differences in the effects of early intervention: A reevaluation of the abecedarian, Perry Preschool, and early training projects. Journal of the American Statistical Association, 103, 1481–1495.
Andrews, A. L. (2018). Moralizing regulation: The implications of policing “good” versus “bad” immigrants. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 41, 2485–2503.
Athey, S., & Imbens, G. (2016). Recursive partitioning for heterogeneous causal effects. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113, 7353–7360.
Bansak, K., Hainmueller, J., & Hangartner, D. (2016). How economic, humanitarian, and religious concerns shape European attitudes toward asylum seekers. Science, 354, 217–222.
Berinsky, A. J., Margolis, M. F., & Sances, M. W. (2014). Separating the shirkers from the workers? Making sure respondents pay attention on self-administered surveys. American Journal of Political Science, 58, 739–753.
Blalock, H. M., Jr. (1967). Toward a theory of minority-group relations. New York, NY: Wiley.
Blinder, S. (2015). Imagined immigration: The impact of different meanings of “immigrants” in public opinion and policy debates in Britain. Political Studies, 63, 80–100.
Blumer, H. (1958). Race prejudice as a sense of group position. Pacific Sociological Review, 1, 3–7.
Bobo, L., & Hutchings, V. L. (1996). Perceptions of racial group competition: Extending Blumer’s theory of group position to a multiracial social context. American Sociological Review, 61, 951–972.
Bonica, A. (2019). Are donation-based measures of ideology valid predictors of individual-level policy preferences? Journal of Politics, 81, 327–333.
Card, D., Dustmann, C., & Preston, I. (2012). Immigration, wages, and compositional amenities. Journal of the European Economic Association, 10, 78–119.
Citrin, J., Green, D. P., Muste, D., & Wong, C. (1997). Public opinion toward immigration reform: The role of economic motivations. Journal of Politics, 59, 858–881.
Citrin, J., & Sides, J. (2008). Immigration and the imagined community in Europe and the United States. Political Studies, 56, 33–56.
de Quidt, J., Haushofer, J., & Roth, C. (2018). Measuring and bounding experimenter demand. American Economic Review, 108, 3266–3302.
Drouhot, L. G., & Nee, V. (2019). Assimilation and the second generation in Europe and America: Blending and segregating social dynamics between immigrants and natives. Annual Review of Sociology, 45, 177–199.
Duffy, B., & Frere-Smith, T. (2014). Perceptions and reality: 10 things we should know about attitudes to immigration in the UK (Ipsos MORI report). Retrieved from https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/migrations/en-uk/files/Assets/Docs/Publications/sri-perceptions-and-reality-immigration-report-summary-2013.pdf
Facchini, G., & Mayda, A. M. (2009). Does the welfare state affect individual attitudes toward immigrants? Evidence across countries. Review of Economics and Statistics, 91, 295–314.
Flores, R. D. (2018). Can elites shape public attitudes toward immigrants?: Evidence from the 2016 US presidential election. Social Forces, 96, 1649–1690.
Flores, R. D., & Schachter, A. (2018). Who are the “illegals”? The social construction of illegality in the United States. American Sociological Review, 83, 839–868.
Gallagher, C. A. (2003). Miscounting race: Explaining Whites’ misperceptions of racial group size. Sociological Perspectives, 46, 381–396.
Gallup. (2016). Immigration (In Depth report). Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx
Grigorieff, A., Roth, C., & Ubfal, D. (2016). Does information change attitudes towards immigrants? Representative evidence from survey experiments (IZA Discussion Paper No. 10419). Bonn, Germany: Institute of Labor Economics.
Guess, A., & Coppock, A. (2018). Does counter-attitudinal information cause backlash? Results from three large survey experiments. British Journal of Political Science. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123418000327.
Haaland, I., & Roth, C. (2018). Labor market concerns and support for immigration (Working paper). Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3017420
Hainmueller, J., Hiscox, M. J., & Margalit, Y. (2015). Do concerns about labor market competition shape attitudes toward immigration? New evidence. Journal of International Economics, 97, 193–207.
Hainmueller, J., & Hopkins, D. J. (2014). The hidden American immigration consensus: A conjoint analysis of attitudes toward immigrants. American Journal of Political Science, 59, 529–548.
Hauser, D. J., & Schwarz, N. (2016). Attentive Turkers: MTurk participants perform better on online attention checks than do subject pool participants. Behavior Research Methods, 48, 400–407.
Herda, D. (2010). How many immigrants? Foreign-born population innumeracy in Europe. Public Opinion Quarterly, 74, 674–695.
Herda, D. (2015). Beyond innumeracy: Heuristic decision-making and qualitative misperceptions about immigrants in Finland. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38, 1627–1645.
Herda, D. (2017). Correcting misperceptions: An in-class exercise for reducing population innumeracy using student response systems and a test of its effectiveness. Teaching Sociology, 45, 152–160.
Herda, D. (2018). Comparing ignorance: Imagined immigration and the exclusion of migrants in the US and Western Europe. Societies Without Borders, 12(2), article 5. Retrieved from https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb/vol12/iss2/5
Herda, D. (2019a). Teaching demographic ignorance with the correcting misperceptions exercise: A replication and extension of previous research. Numeracy, 12(2), article 11. https://doi.org/10.5038/1936-4660.12.2.11.
Herda, D. (2019b). Tracking ignorance: Examining changes in immigrant population innumeracy in the United States from 2005 to 2013. Migration Letters, 16, 329–339.
Hjerm, M. (2007). Do numbers really count? Group threat theory revisited. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 33, 1253–1275.
Hooghe, M., & de Vroome, T. (2015). The perception of ethnic diversity and anti-immigrant sentiments: A multilevel analysis of local communities in Belgium. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38, 38–56.
Hopkins, D. J., Sides, J., & Citrin, J. (2019). The muted consequences of correct information about immigration. Journal of Politics, 81, 315–320.
Kling, J. R., Liebman, J. B., & Katz, L. F. (2007). Experimental analysis of neighborhood effects. Econometrica, 75, 83–119.
Kunovich, R. M. (2017). Perceptions of racial group size in a minority-majority area. Sociological Perspectives, 60, 479–496.
Laméris, J., Hipp, J. R., & Tolsma, J. (2018a). Perceptions as the crucial link? The mediating role of neighborhood perceptions in the relationship between the neighborhood context and neighborhood cohesion. Social Science Research, 72, 53–68.
Laméris, J., Kraaykamp, G., Ruiter, S., & Tolsma, J. (2018b). Size is in the eye of the beholder: How differences between neighbourhoods and individuals explain variation in estimations of the ethnic out-group size in the neighbourhood. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 63, 80–94.
Lawrence, E. D., & Sides, J. (2014). The consequences of political innumeracy. Research & Politics, 1(2), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168014545414
Mayda, A. M. (2006). Who is against immigration? A cross-country investigation of individual attitudes toward immigrants. Review of Economics and Statistics, 88, 510–530.
Menjívar, C., & Lakhani, S. M. (2016). Transformative effects of immigration law: Immigrants’ personal and social metamorphoses through regularization. American Journal of Sociology, 121, 1818–1855.
Moinester, M. (2018). Beyond the border and into the heartland: Spatial patterning of U.S. immigration detention. Demography, 55, 1147–1193.
Mummolo, J., & Peterson, E. (2019). Demand effects in survey experiments: An empirical assessment. American Political Science Review, 113, 517–529.
Nadeau, R., & Niemi, R. G. (1995). Educated guesses: The process of answering factual knowledge questions in surveys. Public Opinion Quarterly, 59, 323–346.
Nadeau, R., Niemi, R. G., & Levine, J. (1993). Innumeracy about minority populations. Public Opinion Quarterly, 57, 332–347.
Nyhan, B., & Reifler, J. (2010). When corrections fail: The persistence of political misperceptions. Political Behavior, 32, 303–330.
Quillian, L. (1995). Prejudice as a response to perceived group threat: Population composition and anti-immigrant and racial prejudice in Europe. American Sociological Review, 60, 586–611.
Schachter, A. (2016). From “different” to “similar”: An experimental approach to understanding assimilation. American Sociological Review, 81, 981–1013.
Scheve, K. F., & Slaughter, M. J. (2001). Labor market competition and individual preferences over immigration policy. Review of Economics and Statistics, 83, 133–145.
Semyonov, M., Raijman, R., Yom Tov, A., & Schmidt, P. (2004). Population size, perceived threat, and exclusion: A multiple-indicators analysis of attitudes toward foreigners in Germany. Social Science Research, 33, 681–701.
Sides, J., & Citrin, J. (2007, April). How large the huddled masses? The causes and consequences of public misperceptions about immigrant populations. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL. Retrieved from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/b1ee/53927e699c37f80aaf3b54d8efc86b69ad32.pdf
Stelzenmueller, C., Isernia, P., & Eichenberg, R. (2015). Transatlantic Trends Survey, 2014. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor]. Retrieved from https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/36138/datadocumentation
Stets, J. E., & Burke, P. J. (2000). Identity theory and social identity theory. Social Psychology Quarterly, 63, 224–237.
Taber, C. S., & Lodge, M. (2006). Motivated skepticism in the evaluation of political beliefs. American Journal of Political Science, 50, 755–769.
Wood, T., & Porter, E. (2019). The elusive backfire effect: Mass attitudes’ steadfast factual adherence. Political Behavior, 41, 135–163.
Wunderlich, T., Ziebarth, A., Gustin, D., Nyiri, Z., Isernia, P., Diehl, C., & Martin, S. (2010). Transatlantic trends: Immigration,2010. Retrieved from https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/33022/datadocumentation
Acknowledgments
We thank all the participants of the NBER political economy summer institute (2017); ESA conference in Bergen; the applied coffee at Bonn; the conference on Managing Migration in Siracusa; the EPEC Workshop in Political Economy; and seminars at Bocconi University, Columbia University, IIES Stockholm, the University of Oxford, and Uppsala University. Financial support from IGIER (Bocconi) and the Oxford Economic Papers fund is gratefully acknowledged. Christopher Roth acknowledges funding under the grant Policy Design and Evaluation Research in Developing Countries Initial Training Network (PODER), which is funded under the Marie Curie Actions of the EU Seventh Framework Programme (Contract Number: 608109). Alexis Grigorieff would like to thank the Economic and Social Research Council for their financial support (Grant No. SSD/2/2/16). Diego Ubfal acknowledges funding from the Bocconi Young Researcher Grant. We also thank the Centre for Experimental Social Sciences at the University of Oxford for their help as well as Ornella Bissoli for administrative assistance.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Contributions
All authors contributed equally to the study conception and design, material preparation, data collection, and analysis. The first draft of the manuscript was co-written by all authors. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Corresponding author
Ethics declarations
Ethics and Consent
IRB approval was obtained at the University of Oxford and Bocconi University.
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
Additional information
Publisher’s Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Electronic supplementary material
ESM 1
(PDF 69 kb)
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Grigorieff, A., Roth, C. & Ubfal, D. Does Information Change Attitudes Toward Immigrants?. Demography 57, 1117–1143 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-020-00882-8
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-020-00882-8