Abstract
Relying on a new institutional economics analysis of transaction costs, the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness emphasizes donor harmonization as an intermediate objective for increasing the effectiveness of foreign assistance in bringing about development outcomes. Surveys on adherence to the Paris Declaration commitments so far suggest that foreign aid donors are lagging behind targets. This paper explores the political and bureaucratic obstacles faced by bilateral and multilateral aid organizations trying to harmonize aid at the country level. Looking at foreign support for the decentralization and local governance sector in Indonesia—where a “bold experiment” in harmonization failed to bring about improved donor coordination—I find evidence that the lack of harmonization can be linked to some of the characteristic pathologies of foreign aid: the dominance of the strategic interests of some donors and the structure of bureaucratic incentives within aid agencies. These traditional problems work through a pathway that is underexplored in the literature: by enabling a lack of coordination among agencies within the recipient government, donors create barriers to harmonization of their own programming. However, I conclude by noting that government coordination failure may not be as much of a problem as donors make it out to be. Decisions about governance and decentralization are necessarily contentious and political. In the case where donors succeed in bringing about government coordination in the interest of their own harmonization, they risk exercising harmful leverage that leads to premature resolution of domestic policy disputes, thereby undermining the Paris Declaration principle of country ownership.
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Notes
I acknowledge the large critical literature that problematizes the ideas that the development industry either truly seeks or is equipped to bring about poverty alleviation and economic growth (e.g., Bauer 1972; Ferguson 1994; Escobar 1995; Scott 1998; Easterly 2006). In contrast to some of this literature, I take at face value the claim that most actors in the development industry care about improving the economic welfare of people in developing countries (most easily conceived of as household income). My goal is to identify pathologies within the development world that prevent the realization of the intermediate goal of aid harmonization. At the end of the article, however, I return to the antecedent question of whether or not a failure to harmonize is as bad as the discourse on aid effectiveness alleges. I point out that some policy disputes need to be settled through political contestation and argue that donors can undermine country ownership by using their resources to catalyze premature resolutions of disputes.
Other authors have identified how partisan politics in donor countries affect overall levels of aid giving (e.g., Therien and Noel 2000; Fleck and Kilby 2006; Lancaster 2007; Tingley 2010). As of yet, however, no one has studied the impact of partisan politics on the distribution of project types or donor agency behavior in aid-receiving countries.
The research draws on primary and secondary sources and over 30 interviews with development partners, government officials, academics, and civil society leaders conducted in Jakarta and Yogyakarta in March and April 2010.
There exists a fair amount of skepticism about the democratizing intent of those supporting decentralization in the late 1990s. Decentralization to the districts—rather than to the provinces—was a “divide and rule” strategy meant to short-circuit separatist sentiment at the provincial level (Fitriani et al. 2005; Firman 2009).
Throughout this paper, I use the term “districts” to refer to both kabupaten (regencies) and kota (cities); other sources reserve the term “district” for kabupaten only.
An earlier ADB case study of the DSF experience had been significantly more upbeat: “Trading on its adaptability, energetic approach, and willingness to plan for and embrace reform, the DSF … has started to operate in the ways that may deliver tangible benefits. The DSF was envisaged as a bold experiment in donor harmonization and alignment approaches, and so it has turned out to be” (ADB 2006).
This is not to say that all elements of the government were happy with the creation of the BRR—the Ministry of Public Works distinctly was not.
As of this writing, both Australia and Canada have made financial contributions.
In an ideal world, government policy would be determined by an elected representative body (i.e., the Indonesian parliament), but in reality, policy results from an interplay among decisions taken by the institutions that make the laws and those that implement them (Sutton 1999).
It is worth noting, as Eyben (2007) does, that less aid-dependent countries like China and India are not interested in door harmonization and, in fact, prefer to be able to use different development partners for different, country-determined ends.
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Acknowledgments
This paper is based, in part, on a June 2010 case study prepared for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) under a task order implemented by Management Systems International (MSI). For comments on that project, the author thanks Ed Connerley, David Deziel, Scott Guggenheim, Kai Kaiser, Paul Smoke, Bill Wallace, members of the Informal Development Partners Working Group on Local Governance and Decentralization, participants in a donor/civil society workshop held in Jakarta and seminar attendees at the University of Illinois. Thanks to Sarah Green for comments on a previous version of the manuscript and to Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro for useful feedback and discussion.
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Winters, M.S. The Obstacles to Foreign Aid Harmonization: Lessons from Decentralization Support in Indonesia. St Comp Int Dev 47, 316–341 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-012-9114-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-012-9114-7