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Population Aging and Economic Development: Anxieties and Policy Responses

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Abstract

Population aging worries many. Will population aging negatively affect economic output and lead to deflation? Can countries afford to cater for older populations? Can they prevent old-age poverty? Can they pay adequate pensions? Can they address the challenge of population aging by postponing the retirement age? Should they seek to counteract population aging through accelerated immigration and/ or should they focus on maintaining fertility rates above replacement levels? Although some answers to these questions are context-specific, this paper argues that the threat of population aging is overstated. It is hyped by media and too often based on partial analysis. A macroeconomic analysis provides a more adequate and less threatening picture of population aging than the household-focused analysis that underlies most studies on this subject matter. The developed economies that already have a large share of older persons are well positioned to shoulder the economic implications of further population aging, and rapidly developing economies, which see an accelerated rate of population aging, are too. Many countries have the economic conditions to address population aging, but many lack the necessary resolve to implement the required policies. Popular policy responses to population aging are building up to a major wave of income redistribution, following the globalization of finance and the current responses to the global economic crisis.

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Notes

  1. For a critical discussion of some of these arguments, which are characterized by a lack of economic understanding and empirical foundations, see also Bosbach (2008).

  2. The most pressing challenge that many developing countries, especially the least developed countries, confront is the rather classical challenge of promoting structural change and creating productive employment, amidst an essentially unlimited supply of inexpensive labor (Herrmann and Khan 2008; Basten et al. 2011; UNFPA 2011).

  3. Zoubanov (2000) and United Nations (2001) examine the question of whether replacement migration may help to counteract challenges associated with population ageing. The analysis however is focused on changes in the working-age population and labor force rather than changes in labor force participation and employment, which weakens its conclusions.

  4. The German Statistical Office calculated that an average annual increase in labor productivity of less than 0.1 per cent is sufficient to address the challenge of population aging if the retirement age was set at 65, and that an average annual increase in labor productivity of less than 0.3 per cent is needed to cater for a growing number of old-age dependents if the retirement age was set at 63 (Bosbach 2008). The actual long-term average labor productivity growth is more than 1.6 per cent (chart 5), which highlights the absurdity of fears of population aging.

  5. This analysis is based on the medium variant of population projections published by the Population Division of the United Nations’ Department for Economic and Social Affairs, which suggests a relatively rapid deceleration of population growth, compared with alternative projections.

  6. Although measures to reduce consumption of health care services are not sensible, measures to reduce the cost of health care services could be. But a reduction of health care costs would ideally be based on a stronger competition between health care providers, rather than a reduction in the coverage or quality of care. The observed rise in health care costs is attributable not only to an increasing demand for health care services—which comes with an ageing population—but also to increasing fees charged by health care providers. The latter results from legislative changes which often place a cumbersome administrative burden on providers, as well as higher profit expectations by providers (UN 2007).

  7. For a discussion of the falling labor share in income see also Guscina (2006) and IMF (2007), as well as Glyn (2010).

  8. On this issue, see also Oberhauser (1989), who provides an excellent expose on social policy, employment and macroeconomic dynamics.

  9. Accordingly, some analysts emphasize that population ageing will lead to a reduction in private and public assets, and they conclude that that this reduction will lead to a reduction in global wealth (e.g., McKinsey 2005). While the first part of this assessment is correct, the second is not. A reduction in assets does not mean that assets vanish; assets are simply transformed into something else. A reduction in saving means nothing else than an increase in consumption and investment, and both will support rather than undermine economic growth.

  10. Bravo (2005), for example, discuses implications of asset reallocations in Latin America for future generations.

  11. The selection of appropriate discount rates is also a challenge for efforts to account for national wealth more generally. Whereas markets help in the discovery of some discount rates; the identification of discount rates is difficult where functioning markets do not exist. This is the case for numerous public goods, including the earth’s climate. Meaningful restrictions on greenhouse gas emissions and a functioning emissions trading system could help to overcome this challenge.

  12. The role of saving and investment for the financing of development has been widely discussed in the literature. The account identity that saving equal investment does not say anything about causality. Whereas it is often suggested that savings precede investments, it is typically investment that leads saving. It is not the bank that pushes its savings onto entrepreneurs, but rather the entrepreneurs who seek financing for an investment from the bank. Economies finance investments through credit creation, and the investments will create saving in return (e.g., UNCTAD 2008; Dullien 2009; Herrmann 2010).

  13. A sole focus on human capital development suggests that it is the lack of human capital that explains unemployment and thereby this focus effectively puts the blame for unemployment on the unemployed themselves. But more often than not, unemployment is explained by a weak economic development, rather than a lack of education of the unemployed. Accordingly, “Hyman Minsky always argued that public policy that favours education and training over job creation puts “the cart before the horse” and is unlikely to succeed. [..] it lays the blame on the unemployed, which can be demoralizing and can validate public perceptions regarding undesirable characteristics supposedly endemic within the disadvantaged population” (Wray 2007: 5).

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Correspondence to Michael Herrmann.

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The paper benefited from valuable comments by Detlef Kotte, Andrew Mason and Ingo Pitterle. The views expressed in this paper however are those of the author, and they do not necessarily reflect the views of commentators or UNFPA.

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Herrmann, M. Population Aging and Economic Development: Anxieties and Policy Responses. Population Ageing 5, 23–46 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12062-011-9053-5

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