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Deviant behaviour? Inequality in Portugal 1565–1770

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Abstract

This study offers an estimate of Portuguese income inequality over a period of more than 200 years. It is presented in three widely spaced benchmarks: 1565, 1700 and 1770. This entirely new index is based in large measure on a little-researched annual personal income tax (décima) instituted in 1641. It covered all social classes, including nobility and clergy and every form of household earnings, and permits therefore a singularly accurate measure. It allows us to conclude that, in contrast with early modern Europe in general, Portugal experienced a notable decline in economic inequality. Several freshly minted quantitative indicators enable us to conclude that the burden of the explanation for this apparently ‘deviant’ behaviour can be ascribed to changes in the functional distribution of income. Significant transformations in Portuguese agriculture—towards labour-intensive products like maize and wine—permanently shifted the wage–rental ratio in favour of labour. The skill premium fell but its contribution was relatively modest. It was a time of sustained economic growth, but this was not associated with pronounced urbanization or industrialization.

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Fig. 1

Sources: see text and Table 3

Fig. 2

Sources: see text and Table 3

Fig. 3

Sources: Tables 2 and 3

Fig. 4

Sources: Table 5; Palma and Reis (2016)

Fig. 5

Sources: Table 5; Palma and Reis (2016)

Fig. 6

Source: Palma and Reis (2016)

Fig. 7

Sources: Palma and Reis (2016); PWR database

Fig. 8

Sources: Palma and Reis (2016) and Table 5

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Notes

  1. A classic work on this problematic is Engerman and Sokoloff (1997).

  2. Faísca and Lopes (2015) are the first since to have introduced a modern approach to this field.

  3. This obliges us to incorporate two data sets which are constructed differently: the décima tax and the serviço tax of 1565, of which more below. The latter was also used by Johnson (2002).

  4. The technical reasons are given in Cowell (2011). Only a few historical inequality studies have employed Theil indices among them Morrisson and Snyder (2000), Santiago-Caballero (2011) and Nicolini and Ramos-Palencia (2011). None of them has used this metric, however, in order to estimate a national index of inequality from a limited collection of data, like here.

  5. To permit comparisons with the results of other researchers, below (Table 3) we display the scores for local inequality estimates both as Ginis and Theils.

  6. For a non-Portuguese example of social table-based research, see Williamson (2009). For probate-based studies, see Cosgel and Ergene (2012) and Canbakal and Filiztekin (2013).

  7. The earliest known social tables are for the nineteenth century and are, respectively, in Franzini (1843) and Costa (1851).

  8. To date few monographs have relied on probate inventories: examples are an eighteenth century urban credit study and others concerning nineteenth century landed elites. See Rocha (1991, 1996) and Fonseca (1996).

  9. The legislation on this tax is copious and conveniently compiled in the site http://www.juslusitaniae.fcsh.unl.pt. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the revenue from it amounted to 11 per cent of total state income (Costa et al. 2016: 219). The tax rolls used in the present study have been collected, for the décima, from the municipal archives of the localities to which they relate. The remaining ones are in print and can be found in: Lisbon-1565 (Livro 1947–8); Coimbra-1565, 1599 and 1613 (Oliveira 1971), Loulé-1564 (Magalhães 1970) and Tavira-1699 (Magalhães 1993).

  10. The exclusion of religious corporations, i.e., regular clergy, from our assessment data does not necessarily imply any underestimate since it would be the equivalent to not including state corporations in the calculation of inequality in modern times. The church held out for an exemption of all its members, including the secular clergy, until the 1760 s, and paid lump sums at times but ultimately had to give in. See Conde (2002/3). Individual priests, however, are regularly found in all periods on the rolls of tax payers. In some localities, beggars and others were shown to have no income at all. In such cases, given that they must have gained a ‘survival income’, we have attributed to them one half of the lowest earnings from labour shown in the tax roll. According to Tracy (2015: 515), in Europe, from the sixteenth century on, ‘hitherto exempt clergy and nobles were now for the first time subjected’ to these impositions.

  11. There is no major history of Portuguese public finance during the Ancien Regime. Specifically on the décima, see Silva (1987), Magalhães (2004) and Costa (2009).

  12. The exact chronology of these oscillations can be found in http://www.iuslusitaniae.fcsh.unl.pt/.

  13. The exaction of such levies by the Portuguese kings has been little explored by economic historians. See, however, Gonçalves (1964) and Dominguez (2015).

  14. The 1565 tax rolls are a well-known source for historians. They have been used by Rodrigues (1970), Magalhães (1970) and Oliveira (1971). The full text of the Lisbon tax roll has been transcribed in Livro (1947–8), which also contains the royal edict specifying the rules for its application.

  15. Examples of situations where significant segments of the population were left out of the tax rolls, and the implications arising from this are found in Piedmont and Florence (Alfani 2015; Alfani and Ammannati 2016); and the Netherlands (Van Zanden 1995; McCants 2007).

  16. Faísca and Lopes (2015) corroborate this finding for three localities (Arraiolos, Avis and Portalegre) in the province of Alentejo for the early eighteenth century.

  17. Morrisson and Snyder (2000) and Santiago-Caballero (2011) show how in the course of time a simple set of fiscal arrangements could be transformed into a cumbersome mosaic of fiscal localism, which soon became fossilized.

  18. The Regimento da Décima of 1654 prescribed the following steps for compiling a tax roll: (1) start with the list of parishioners, and call them in one by one to describe their employment, assets and income (2) verify this information by questioning other people (3) walk up and down the street to check the names of the residents and see whether any are missing or whether there are any new ones (4) calculate the assessments and write them into two copies of the roll, one to be kept locally and the other to be sent to Lisbon. See http://www.juslusitaniae.fcsh.unl.pt.

  19. Another, more elaborate method would have involved examining how income was spread out over the different deciles of the distribution. This is done by Faísca and Lopes (2015) for a small sample of localities and corroborates our graphic findings.

  20. Additional histograms for other localities can be obtained on request from the author. For a similar situation regarding Naples in 1811, see Malanima (2006).

  21. Van Zanden (1995) follows a similar procedure but employs five categories instead.

  22. To arrive at this, we have discarded a number of unsatisfactory tax rolls employed by Johnson (2002). The main reasons were either a large numbers of fiscal exemptions and exclusions in some pre-décima lists, or a lack of access to the original lists of individual taxpayers. Often Johnson presents the data in an aggregated form. Owing to difficulties in sampling the national décima pool, the contents of which are widely spread across the country, we chose the localities to which we had easier access.

  23. For four entries, data were unavailable for calculating Ginis.

  24. Three recent studies have used this strategy with success, both to fill in information gaps, as we do here, and in order to model the factors which determine inequality. We use their explanatory variables. See Malanima (2006); Williamson (2009); and Ryckbosch (2016).

  25. Morrisson (2000) includes several national studies covering significant time spans, but they are shorter and encompass mainly the period of industrialisation. However, a few have covered similar or longer intervals—Alfani (2015); Ryckbosch (2016); Van Zanden (1995).

  26. Practically every study in this field has concluded in a similar vein. Hoffman et al. (2002) find that: ‘inequality within the nations of western Europe has risen greatly’ (p. 324). This is echoed by Van Zanden (1995): ‘a super Kuznets curve spanning many centuries […] was characterized by rising inequality’ (p. 662). Ryckbosch (2016: 1) speaks of ‘a clear growth in economic inequality in the two centuries prior to the industrial revolution’.

  27. Kuznets (1955). The present description of these four hypotheses can be followed in two excellent summaries by Van Zanden (1995) and Ryckbosch (2016).

  28. Invoked by Van Zanden (1995) and Ryckbosch (2016).

  29. In Holland and in particular the Dutch cities, the exact opposite occurred. See Van Zanden (1995).

  30. For examples, see Neto (1997), on the one hand, and Salvado (2010), on the other.

  31. Alfani (2015) shows how building up and unifying a military Piedmontese state in the sixteenth century forced the monarch to become more extractive.

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Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank Guido Alfani, Maria Antónia Pires de Almeida, Inês Amorim, Alda Azevedo, Raquel Berredo, Leonor Freire Costa, Rui Esperança, Carlos Faísca, João Ferrão, João Fialho, António Castro Henriques, Bruno Lopes, Filomena Melo, Conceição Andrade Martins, Esteban Niccolini, Álvaro Santos Pereira, Susana Pereira, Amélia Polónia, Isabel dos Guimarães Sá, João Paulo Salvado and Ana Margarida Silva, as well as the organisers and participants of the Economic History Society Conference, in Oxford, March 2012, the 3rd Einite Workshop on Economic Inequality in Southern Europe (Milan, Bocconi University, June 2015) and the Economic Inequality in Pre-industrial Eurasia session of the XVIIth World Economic History Congress (August 2016, Kyoto). He is especially grateful to Jeffrey G. Williamson and Peter H. Lindert for their encouragement and guidance. He is also indebted to the Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia for valuable financial support.

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Reis, J. Deviant behaviour? Inequality in Portugal 1565–1770. Cliometrica 11, 297–319 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-016-0152-7

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