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Fallacious convergence? Williamson’s real wage comparisons under scrutiny

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Abstract

The idea of manifest real-wage convergence for unskilled workers in the latter half of the nineteenth century stems from an article from 1995 by Jeffrey G. Williamson. That article presented real wage comparisons of unskilled urban workers for seventeen countries. Sweden, along with the rest of Scandinavia, is found to be an influential case in accounting for much of the alleged factor price convergence taking place. This paper takes a closer look at all the three steps that have to be taken in order to establish real wage comparisons, focusing on Sweden in relation to the US and the UK. The most important findings are twofold. First, that the US–Sweden wage gap is considerably smaller for manufacturing than for building workers, and second, that the rate at which Sweden’s real wages approached the American and the British has been grossly overestimated. Swedish real wages did grow rapidly, but not as rapidly as Williamson’s comparison will have us to believe, because his real wage series does not constitute a representative account of the Swedish unskilled real wage experience. It is argued that, as we suffer from a serious paucity of data for narrow and comparable samples of late nineteenth century unskilled workers, resorting to more encompassing wage measures is a more viable option. That also implies a questioning of the American unskilled wage series, which makes considerably slower progress than the wage series for manufacturing workers.

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Notes

  1. Williamson and his collaborators have elaborated the idea of factor price convergence in more than fifty articles (McInnis 2000). As late as in 2007, Williamson (1995a) was the second most cited article in the economic history journals (de Vaio and Weisdorf 2008).

  2. Williamson (1995a) changed the focus of concern from domestic factors along the lines of Gerschenkron (1962), Abramovitz (1986), and Baumol (1986) that had imbued writings up to then to external ones, such as trade and migration. He also substituted real wages and other factor prices for GDP records, capital accumulation, and structural transformation as a performance measure.

  3. Scandinavia’s outstanding achievement was therefore subject to further elaboration in O’Rourke and Williamson (1995a, b) and the rest of the periphery was dealt with in O'Rourke and Williamson (1997).

  4. Ljungberg (1996) contains the only critical discussion of O’Rourke and Williamson’s two articles (1995a, b) which addressed explicitly Scandinavia’s role in the globalisation tale. He made the point that without the Scandinavian countries in the sample convergence slips away. He never questioned the Swedish wage series, however.

  5. The idea is further detailed and elaborated in Schön (2006). See also Herlitz (2002) for a discussion of the impact of O’Rourke and Williamson’s globalisation story on Schön’s interpretation of Sweden.

  6. Since the publication of Williamson (1995a) the data set has been revised twice. The correct British series is set out in Williamson (1995b). In O’Rourke and Williamson (1997) further revisions include Portugal, Spain, Norway and the Netherlands.

  7. Report of an inquiry by the Board of Trade into Working Class Rents, Housing and Retail Prices together with the rates of wages in certain occupations in the principal industrial towns of the United Kingdom and United States of America.

  8. For instance Shergold (1982), Allen (1994), Ward and Devereux (2003). This author has made an attempt to use Ward and Devereux (2003) data to construct a more encompassing comparison of product prices. The difficulties concern product varieties. It is hard to match Swedish products with American and British. There are far more Anglo-American product matches, it seems.

  9. In the US, skills of the kind represented by engineering and building workers were probably in short supply, while in Scandinavia a great many (landless) people had gained knowledge of handicraft production because of the short season for traditional agricultural works (Gadd 2005).

  10. Bagge’s et al. (1935) summary statistics of wages for municipal workers comes from a special investigation published 2 years earlier (Kommunalarbetarnas löner i Sverige 1865–1930).

  11. Lack of details in the Swedish investigation prevents a similar comparison of unskilled workers.

  12. The US/Sweden, skilled and unskilled building workers’ wage ratios in 1909, computed from Board of Trade’s (1911) sample, are 276 and 214, respectively (Table 4), which gives an arithmetic mean of 245. The UK/Sweden ratios in 1905, computed from Board of Trade’s (1908) sample are 140 for unskilled and 125 for unskilled, which gives of mean of 132.5.

  13. Even though Feinstein’s employment shares are 6 years off the benchmark of 1905 they are probably the best description available of the relative number of employed in the different sectors. The employment shares would have to change substantially to make any appreciable difference to the estimated UK/Sweden wage ratio in 1905.

  14. This controversy should not be confused with the one on the growth of American real wages in 1890–1914. Rees constructed a different cost-of-living index increasing less than Douglas’ which made his real wage series grow faster. Their series for nominal wages recorded similar rates though.

  15. According to one estimate around 11.6% of the work force in manufacturing was unionized in 1910 (Rees 1961, p. 21). In Douglas sample, however, union rates were given a weight of 31.5%, and the rest came from payroll industries.

  16. There is a recent literature (van Zanden 1999; Allen 2001, 2005; Broadberry and Gupta 2006) which attempts to compare wage levels between India and Britain, and between the developed parts of north-western Europe and the less-developed parts of southern, central and eastern Europe. While comparisons based on the silver content of the currencies indicate a large gap between the developed country or region and the less developed country or region, the gap diminishes significantly in comparisons of the amount of food wages could purchase. This indicates higher productivity in the developed country or region which brought higher prices and nominal wages.

  17. This information cannot be found in the appendix in Williamson (1995a) but I have on request received the missing link from the author.

  18. See O’Rourke and Williamson (1995a, b, 1997).

  19. Lundh et al. (2004) compiled daily and annual wage series for skilled and unskilled workers for nine regions in 1861–1913, based on Bagge et al. (1933, 1935), monographic firm or branch studies and data from the archive of the Tariff Commission of 1876 (Tullkommitén). The overwhelming impression from these wage series, if admittedly based on a graphic inspection of mine, is that the gap between skilled and unskilled workers’ wages in the nine regions remained unchanged.

  20. In a local study of Bredsjö ironworks (Larsson 1986) confirms the tendency of a narrowing gap between skilled and unskilled iron workers in the 1870s and 1880s. This tendency coincides with a turning point with respect to the way workers were paid. A rigid wage policy gave gradually way to more market-based principles in which productivity and market conditions came to be more important. Less skilled workers benefited more from this transition than their masters did, perhaps as a result of a larger weight given to piece work and higher productivity. As for the fortune of unskilled workers in branches other than iron, we simply know next to nothing.

  21. The magnitude of the skilled to unskilled wage ratio, on average about 121, may to some look compressed, at least in comparison to the American ratio of about 177. The narrow pay distance between skilled and unskilled is present in Lundh Nilsson (2007 p. 104) investigation into earnings in a sample of mechanical engineering firms in Stockholm. Skilled construction workers earned no more than 13% more than unskilled.

  22. Given the agrarian nature of the Swedish economy, a major determinant of overall inequality was of course the real pay distance between labour employed in agriculture and industrial workers (Söderberg 1987, 1991). Another was differences in the returns to land and labour (Bohlin and Larsson 2007).

  23. Different ways of estimating average hourly earnings make the two American indices less suitable for studying cyclical behaviour. Long’s series is based on average hourly earnings derived from daily wages, whereas Rees derived his average hourly earnings from annual earnings. See Margo (2006) for a brief introduction to the US wage sources referred to by Long, Douglas and Rees.

  24. The sources underlying Williamson’s series for wages for American unskilled workers are as follows: 1861–1869: Abbot (1905), Table X, p. 363, which in turn was based on data from the Aldrich report (1870–1890): Long (1960), Table A-4, pp. 139–40, labourers in eastern cities, based on Bulletin 18, 1890–1913: Coombs (1926), Table 5, col I, which in turn was based on the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labour published in 1905 and for 1890–1907 wage quotations compiled by the Bureau of Labour Statistics.

  25. One of the explanations behind the inverted U-curve, inspired by Kuznets (1955), is that rapid industrialisation brings about increased demand for skills, which in turn affects the skill premium. Skilled labour is a complement to capital, and falling prices of capital lead therefore to increased demand for skill. The inelastic supply of skill leads to changes in the structure of pay; the skilled-unskilled wage gap expands and inequality follows in its wake. The skilled-unskilled pay ratio declines in due course of time when the supply of skills is more in harmony with demand and so inequality reverts to its initial position (Kaelble and Thomas 1991).

  26. Lindert (2000) in his search for the turning points in increasing American inequality did not lay any emphasis on the evidence of expanding skilled-unskilled pay ratio in the 1890s. One local study which belies Williamson and Lindert’s pay ratio evidence is Shergold (1977). He showed that the skilled-unskilled ratio actually decreased. Another type of type of income inequality measure, the ratio of wages for white to blue collar workers, is presented in Goldin (1999). This ratio is stable between 1890/1895 and 1909/1914, suggesting stable returns to education. Williamson and Lindert’s skill differential, as measured by the wage ratio of skilled craft workers to common labourers, has in contrast little do with education.

  27. Hatton and Williamson (2005, ch. 8) neatly summarises the various explanations for the immigration restrictions in the New World around the turn of the century. Their evidence indicates that the declining quality of the immigrants, rather than the size of the flow itself, had labour market implications which provoked political reactions leading to more restrictive policies.

  28. The series labelled Williamson is the ratio of the American to the Swedish real wage index in Williamson (1995a), thus adjusted to his PPP-adjusted wage benchmark in 1909. The only difference in the series labelled modified is the Swedish series, so the series of ratios is still adjusted to Williamson’s PPP-adjusted wage benchmark in 1909.

  29. O’Rourke and Williamson sometimes use a 3-year centred moving average but it only partly irons out the disparity between the two indices, see for instance O’Rourke and Williamson (1997).

  30. The series is linked to the US–Sweden benchmark based on Rees’ estimated US wage level. The wage gap would have been a great deal larger if it was linked to the benchmark based on Douglas’ estimated American wage level. However, it would not have altered the trend of the series.

  31. The source of working hours is Huberman (2004). His earliest benchmark is, however, from 1870. Extrapolation backwards, using the estimated trend coefficient between 1870 and 1880, extends his series of working hours back to 1860.

  32. The sample in Fig. 10 does not include the other New World countries in Williamson’s sample. The graph compares US wages in relation to wages in Europe.

  33. Ljungberg (1997) assigns to migration a more important role in pushing the growth of wages forward, in what forms his Domestic Market Model. He suggest that emigration, by draining the supply of workers, raised wages to levels which were higher than what would have been the case without emigration. These higher wages accelerated structural transformation in the manufacturing industry, by increasing the labour cost burden in older raw material based industries, and hasten the substitution of capital for labour in industries with more dynamic properties. The latter also increased the demand for capital imports. Higher wages also boosted domestic demand. He admits, however, that there is little empirical support for a close connection between aggregate measures of wages in the manufacturing industry and emigration. He bolsters his argument by regional wages for day workers in agriculture. For a similar view, see Schön (1997). Bohlin (2007) provides a review and critique of the Domestic Market Model.

  34. It is problematic to compare the growth of real wages and the growth of labour productivity because it implies the use of two different deflators. If we instead deflate nominal wages by the deflator for the manufacturing industry from Prado (2008, Table A.5.1) the picture is somewhat modified. Product wages grew annually by 2.06% in 1870–1890, thus outstripping the growth of labour productivity, and by 2.43% in in 1890–1910, still significantly slower than the growth of labour productivity.

  35. The research on comparative labour productivity refers to Prado (2008).

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Acknowledgments

Previous versions of this article have been presented at seminars in Gothenburg, Istanbul and Umeå and the comments of the participants are greatly acknowledged, especially those by Martti Rantanen, Karl Gunnar Persson and Jeffrey Williamson, the latter also for sending me his revised and augmented data set and omitted appendices of his article (1995). I would also like to acknowledge Jan Bohlin, Rodney Edvinsson, Carl-Johan Gadd, Christer Lundh, Linda Lane, Evelyn Prado, Jonatan Svanlund, Klas Rönnbäck, Stefan Öberg and two anonymous referees. None of them is needless to add responsible for the remaining errors.

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Correspondence to Svante Prado.

Appendix1: Real wage series

Appendix1: Real wage series

Table 5 Real wage series for the US, the UK and Sweden, 1860–1913 (1900 = 100)

1.1 Appendix 2: New wage series for Swedish manufacturing

Since official wage statistics for manufacturing workers did not appear before World War I, our wage evidence comes from Bagge et al.’s (1933) detailed investigation based on archival sources. The usual reference point to the movement of pre-World War I Swedish wages is their index of average wages in manufacturing based on averages for iron and steel, mining, metal manufacturing and engineering, sawmills, wood-pulp mills, paper mills, food products, textile industry and leather, rubber goods and chemical industries (Bagge et al. 1933, pp. 43–44). The authors do not give any precise information on the assigned weights but list the factors they consider most important in assigning to each industry an appropriate weight. Those factors are, for instance, the quality of the wage material, the size of the firm from which the pay record was taken and the number of workers in that industry. Quality seems to have mattered most (pp. 38–39): ‘The greatest attention, then, has been paid to the quality of the series, though, to some extent the relative size of the occupations and concerns have also been considered’. The lack of detailed insights into the process of aggregation frustrates any attempt to replicate their average series of manufacturing. This is unfortunate inasmuch as Schön’s (1988) revisions of output, within the context of Swedish historical national accounts, and the corresponding adjustments of the number of workers for the period 1868–1912 (Prado 2008), justify a closer look at what a different weighting scheme, based on the wage bill, may bring about. In the following attempt to assign to each series a new weight, based on the new information on output and employment for 1868–1912, the quality factor attributable to each series is left out of consideration. Instead, the recorded growth rates of wages implied by each of the series are taken at face value.

The starting point is the wage material for different industries, or groups of industries, which underlie the computation of Bagge et al.’s series of average wages. At times, these series have been complemented with the wage material presented in the monographs section to create as many industry-specific wage series as their investigation permits. Furthermore, to avoid the potential influence of reductions in working hours on the movement of wages, hourly earnings are the preferred wage measure. When hourly wages are not available daily wages are the second best option, and annual wages a last resort. When an industry-specific series of wages is not at hand I use the wage series of the most closely related industry, or the series representing the group of industries to which that industry belongs.

Two factors put the construction of wage relatives in favour of the compilation of actual wage levels: first, instead of establishing the average wage level in a particular firm or industry, Bagge et al. track the wage record for a sample of representative workers. They may, therefore, have been more successful in their attempt to picture the movement of wages than establishing actual levels. Second, there is an unfortunate mixture of hourly, daily and annual wages which makes it difficult to establish a representative level of any kind. Nonetheless, the actual wage levels have a bearing on the weights used to combine the different wage relatives into an aggregate series for manufacturing. The starting point is therefore to establish the wage levels for a reference year, in this case 1912. The wage level is derived from the public investigation of cost shares which gives the share of wages in gross output, equivalent to the wage bill (SOU 1923). Dividing the wage bill by the number of workers yields the average annual wage for each industry. Once we have pinned down the annual industry-specific wage levels for 1912, we can proceed by scaling the wage relatives and then weighting the resulting series of annual wages by number of workers as in formula 1, where W and N are average wages and number of employed in year t and industry i, respectively.

$$ \frac{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {\left( {\frac{{W_{t,i} }}{{W_{1912,i} }}W_{1912,i} } \right)N_{t,i} } }}{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {N_{t,i} } }} $$
(1)

The series so constructed pave the way for further developments into series that satisfy the requirements of different forms of index numbers. In the following formula 2 the series has been transformed into a Laspeyres index number where the wage relatives are weighted by the wage bill in the base year b. It shows how wages would have progressed had the sectoral structure become set in a fixed mould (Table 5).

$$ \frac{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {\left( {\frac{{W_{t,i} }}{{W_{b,i} }}} \right)W_{b,i} N_{b.i} } }}{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {W_{b,i} N_{b,i} } }} = \frac{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {W_{t,i} N_{b,i} } }}{{\sum\nolimits_{i = 1}^{n} {W_{b,i} N_{b,i} } }} $$
(2)

The normal convention is to measure the intra-sectoral wage movement by choosing an early base year, but, as Table 6 shows, the difference between early and late base years is negligible. Annual weights also allows the computation of a chained Fisher index which records a somewhat slower growth, though again the difference between it and fixed early or late base year is quite insignificant. It bears noting that Bagge et al.’s wage series of average hourly earnings for manufacturing grew considerably faster than my new series, no matter which of the index formula are in use. The gap appears at the end of the 1870s, is widened up to the turn of the century, and maintained until 1913. This is an expected result considering the larger weight given to the wage series for sawmill workers, which grew appreciably slower than the average. The rapid expansion in the sawmill industry was brought to a halt in 1874, and the drop from the peak in 1874 to the trough in 1891 cut the wage level by half. Between 1870 and 1912 the series grew on average 0.37% annually, which was an 80 percent slower progress than for manufacturing as a whole. Since Schön adjusted the level of output for sawmills upwards, and Prado (2008) attempted to make the number of workers correspond with that higher level, the wage bill, and thereby the weight assigned to the wage series have inevitably been augmented significantly. The results in Table 6 show the visual impact that Fig. 11 assesses and confirms that the new weighting scheme applied here changes the colours of the Swedish wage picture. It now looks paler. The difference between the old and the new series is large enough to warrant more attention than there is scope for in this minor investigation. It may have been that Bagge et al. did not assign the series of wages for sawmill workers the large weight it has been assigned here for reasons they did not communicate to their readers. Perhaps they deemed bizarre the behaviour of the wage series of sawmill workers and therefore degraded the quality and the importance of it. What speaks in favour of the reliability of the series is that there is corroborative evidence of the sluggish growth rate of wages for sawmill workers relative to the average of manufacturing (Cornell 1982). As long as no further evidence defies its usefulness the average should include sawmill workers’ wages, weighted with due respect to its great importance in the Swedish economy.

Fig. 11
figure 11

Hourly wages for male manufacturing workers, 1868–1912 (1868 = 100). Note: the series titled new contains sawmill workers’ wages and computed as a Laspeyres index with 1868 as base year. Sources: the series titled Bagge et al (1933, Table 26); the series titled new is set out in Appendix 1

Table 6 Average percentage growth rates of nominal wages in the manufacturing industry, 1868–1912

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Prado, S. Fallacious convergence? Williamson’s real wage comparisons under scrutiny. Cliometrica 4, 171–205 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-009-0040-5

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