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Health Care and Disability NGOs in Croatia: State Relations, Privatization, and Professionalism in an Emerging Field

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Abstract

Although nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in post-socialist countries have been under a microscope since their inception, their relations with the state are only beginning to come into focus and to be the subject of comparative and theoretical assessment. What these relationships mean to different stakeholders, whether they take trajectories similar to those in the West, and how they will be shaped by socialist legacies, are important questions to address before such relations are naturalized as “the way things are.” This paper examines NGO/state relations in the development of health care and disability services in Croatia, a nation newly admitted to membership in the European Union. The paper explores policy and institutional legacies, health care privatization, and relations with health professionals as forces affecting the financing, structure, and experience of relationships between NGOs and the post-socialist state.

Résumé

Dans les pays postsocialistes, bien que les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) aient été examinées au microscope depuis leurs débuts, leurs relations avec l’état commencent à peine à susciter de l’intérêt et à faire l’objet d’une évaluation comparative et théorique. La signification de ces relations pour les différentes parties prenantes, le fait qu’elles prennent ou non une trajectoire similaire à celles de l’Ouest, ainsi que leur modelage par l’héritage socialiste sont des questions importantes qu’il faut considérer avant que ces relations soient naturalisées comme « l’ordre normal des choses » . Cet article examine les relations entre ONG et état dans le cadre du développement des soins de santé et des services aux personnes handicapées en Croatie, une nation récemment devenue membre de l’Union européenne. Il explore les héritages politique et institutionnel, la privatisation des soins de santé et les relations avec les professionnels de la santé, en les considérant comme autant de forces influant sur le financement, la structure et l’expérience des relations entre les ONG et l’état postsocialiste.

Zusammenfassung

Auch wenn die nicht-staatlichen Organisationen in postsozialistischen Ländern seit ihrer Gründung kritisch unter die Lupe genommen wurden, beginnt man erst jetzt, sich auf ihre Beziehungen zum Staat zu konzentrieren und diese zum Thema vergleichender und theoretischer Bewertungen zu machen. Welche Bedeutung diese Beziehungen für die diversen Stakeholder haben, ob ihre Trajektorien denen westlicher Länder ähneln und wie sie durch die sozialistische Vergangenheit geprägt werden, sind wichtige Fragen, die angesprochen werden müssen, bevor man die Beziehungen als „üblich“akzeptiert. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die Beziehungen zwischen den nicht-staatlichen Organisationen und dem Staat im Rahmen der Entwicklung von Gesundheits- und Invaliditätsleistungen in Kroatien, einem Land, das kürzlich als Mitglied in die Europäische Union aufgenommen wurde. Der Beitrag erforscht die politischen und institutionellen Hinterlassenschaften, die Privatisierung des Gesundheitswesens und das Verhältnis zum medizinischen Fachpersonal als Kräfte, die sich auf die Finanzierung, Struktur und Erfahrungen der Beziehungen zwischen den nicht-staatlichen Organisationen und dem postsozialistischen Staat auswirken.

Resumen

Aunque las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG) en los países postsocialistas han estado bajo el microscopio desde su nacimiento, sus relaciones con el estado sólo están empezando a tener protagonismo y a ser el tema de evaluaciones comparativas y teóricas. Qué significan estas relaciones para las diferentes partes interesadas, si tienen o no trayectorias similares a las de Occidente, y cómo serán moldeadas por los legados socialistas, son preguntas importantes de abordar antes de que dichas relaciones sean naturalizadas como “así son las cosas”. El presente documento examina las relaciones ONG/estado en el desarrollo de servicios de atención sanitaria y discapacidad en Croacia, una nación que ha sido recientemente admitida como miembro de la Unión Europea. El documento explora los legados políticos e institucionales, la privatización de la atención sanitaria, y las relaciones con los profesionales de la salud como fuerzas que afectan a la financiación, estructura y experiencia de las relaciones entre ONG y el estado postsocialista.

摘要

尽管后社会主义国家的非政府组织(NGO)自成立之初就受到严格监管,但是它们与政府的关系刚开始得到重视,并进行可比的理论评估。在采纳这些关系为“事实就是这样”之前,它们对不同利益相关者的意义、它们是否使用了类似西方的轨迹以及如何被社会主义遗产定型等都是有待解决的重要问题。本文检查了NGO/政府在发展克罗地亚(欧盟的最新成员国)的医疗保健和残疾人服务方面的关系。本文探讨了政策和制度遗产、医疗保健私有化以及与医疗专业人员的关系,作为影响财务、结构以及NGO和后社会主义国家关系经验的力量。

ملخص

على الرغم من أن المنظمات الغير حكومية (NGOs) في بلدان ما بعد الإشتراكية تحت المجهر منذ بدايتها، علاقاتها مع الدولة ليس سوى البداية لتأتي إلى التركيز وإلى أن تكون موضوع تقييم مقارن ونظري. ماذا تعني هذه العلاقات أصحاب المصلحة مختلفين، سواء كانت تأخذ مسارات مماثلة لتلك التي في الغرب، وكيف سيتم تشكيلها عن طريق التراث الإشتراكي، هي أسئلة مهمة للمعالجة قبل أن يتم تجنيسهم مثل هذه العلاقات كأن “الامور كما هي”. يفحص هذا البحث علاقات المنظمات الغير حكومية (NGOs)/علاقة الدولة في تطوير خدمات الرعاية الصحية والعجز في كرواتيا، أمة إعترفت حديثا˝ إلى عضوية الإتحاد الأوروبي. يتحرى البحث السياسات والتراثات المؤسسية، خصخصة الرعاية الصحية، والعلاقات مع العاملين في مجال الصحة كقوى تؤثر على التمويل البناء، وتجربة العلاقات بين المنظمات الغيرحكومية (NGOs) وحالة ما بعد الاشتراكية.

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Notes

  1. The terms used to denote such sectors, organizations and programs vary with the laws of incorporation in particular settings, as well as the analytic purposes of scholars. Key variants include “civil society organizations,” “nonprofit organizations,” or “non-governmental organizations,” along with their respective acronyms. “NGOs” and “CSOs” are the forms I use because they are most commonly applied in analyses of post-socialist developments in health care and social welfare. The OECD defines CSOs as “the multitude of associations around which society voluntarily organizes itself and which represent a wide range of interests and ties” (OECD 2007). In general, I use “NGOs” to designate associations dedicated to health and social welfare issues and “CSOs” to refer to broader categories of organizations, or where source material uses the term “CSO” without distinguishing among sub-sectors.

  2. Health care includes prevention, primary, secondary and tertiary care institutions as well as those providing rehabilitation and different forms of medical treatment. Social welfare is defined broadly to relate to policies, services and institutions promoting well-being other than those related to health care or education per se. While related conceptually, the two generally are regulated separately and administered by different institutions and public bureaucracies. Care for people with disabilities involves both sectors. As explained, the NGOs in this research tend to be divided between those addressing particular diagnoses, conditions, or forms of disability; less commonly, they encompass multiple conditions (generally, for children with disabilities and their families) or, conversely, are attached to a particular institution (e.g., hospital or care center).

  3. According to the latest CIVICUS report (Bežovan and Matančević 2011), in 2009 CSOs received 529,596,954.21 Kuna (roughly 71 million Euro or 67 million US dollars) in national governmental funds, 53 % of which came from the state budget and 46.2 % from the national lottery.

  4. Human Rights Watch ( 2010) identified roughly 250 places in supportive community living programs for persons with intellectual disabilities (only seven of which were for adults with chronic psychiatric difficulties), vs. nearly 12,000 institutional placements. As well, at the end of 2008 approximately 7,300 people with intellectual disabilities and 4,400 people with chronic mental illness lived in social welfare homes, family homes and foster family arrangements; social welfare homes housed the vast majority. Comparable data on residents in long-term psychiatric hospitals were unavailable. Using 2007 official statistics, the World Bank identified 40 social welfare homes (26 of them, state homes) for people with disabilities, serving 5,038 beneficiaries. There were 121 homes for the elderly and infirm (47 under local authority, i.e., county, auspices; 74, non-state), with 14,168 beneficiaries. For people with chronic mental illness, 25 homes (18 of them state homes) served 3,903 beneficiaries. World Bank, Long Term Care Policies for Older Populations in New EU Member States and Croatia: Challenges and Opportunities; Case Study 2: Croatia. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/ECAEXT/0,print:Y~isCURL:Y~contentMDK:22785587~menuPK:3970758~pagePK:2865106~piPK:2865128~theSitePK:258599,00.html. The World Bank has continued to fund refurbishment of institutions, while community-based service programs initiated through WB funding were discontinued after three years, reportedly because of lack of government involvement in their continuation.

  5. I am indebted to Prof. Linda Cook, Brown University, for suggesting this concept.

  6. For example, the head of the Association of Organisations of Disabled Persons in Croatia (now Zajednica saveza osoba s invaliditetom Hrvatske, or “SOIH”) was one of twenty members of the Working Group charged with development of the “National strategy for the creation of an enabling environment for civil society development from 2006 to 2011,” as established by the Decision of the Government of the Republic of Croatia of 12 January 2006 (Government Office for Cooperation with NGOs 2006.) The only other health-related NGO so represented was the Association of Croatian Patients Association, a patient’s rights organization headed by a physician. The National Coordination of Associations of Homeland War Veterans was also represented. As an umbrella organization, or coalition, SOIH encompasses diverse disability-related associations, only one of which pertains to cognitive, intellectual, or psychiatric conditions, the Croatian Association for Persons with Mental Retardation—HSUMR. SOIH’s members also include the Federation of Civil War Invalids of Croatia; thus, NGOs for these war veterans were doubly represented among the Working Group members, with an additional membership going to the Ministry of the Family, Veterans’ Affairs, and Intergenerational Solidarity. The head of SOIH is now one of twelve civil society organization representatives elected through a poll of associations to the Council for Civil Society Development, an advisory body to the national government; the (veterans) organization of Associations related to the Homeland War also has membership on the Council. (http://www.uzuvrh.hr/page.aspx?pageID=132).

  7. Financial reports of the Croatian Union of Physically Disabled Persons (HSUTI) show a 36 % increase in revenues received from the national budget between 2010 and 2011, during a period when the global financial crisis was significantly affecting Croatia. The following year, as disability-related NGOs were reported to have received an across-the-board cut of over 60 % in state funds, HSUTI showed a decrease of 16.4 % in revenues from the national budget. (http://www.hsuti.hr/Prihodi_i_rashodi_za_2011.pdf http://www.hsuti.hr/Prihodi_i_rashodi_za_2012.pdf) While these figures are suggestive of a favorable position vis-a-vis the state, they should be interpreted with caution, since lack of centralized data and flows of funding through different ministries make it problematic to compare overall financial support across associations.

  8. Privatization here refers to a set of related changes in the structure and financing of Croatian health care since the mid-1990s. In the strictest sense, privatization denotes mainly the provision of care through private auspices, since financing of health care is still primarily done by a single public health insurance fund, complemented by public secondary insurance and a small field of private supplemental insurance providers. The majority of primary care health providers run privatized offices (and may also serve in public clinics). The state remains the biggest owner of hospitals, and especially tertiary care facilities; but private specialty clinics and institutions are increasingly present. More broadly, as private care provision was facilitated, the state simultaneously increased cost sharing and administrative fees for most health consumers, decreased the number of individuals exempt from such cost sharing (or “participation”), decreased coverage of prescription drugs, and in other ways restructured care to offset growing deficits in the health insurance fund. Personal spending (both formal and “informal”) for health care has thus increased concomitantly with the rise of privatization, with the highest income quartile mean health expenditure 3.6 times that of the lowest in 2001 (Voncina et al. 2006).

  9. Several independent studies have corroborated growing inequality in health and health care in Croatia during this period (Chen and Mastilića 1998; Kunitz 2004; Mastilica and Kušec 2005; Šućur and Zrinščak 2007). In 2008, a Swedish health care monitoring organization rated the country third worst in health care in Europe, based on factors including health outcomes, availability of medical services, and waiting time for care. (http://dalje.com/en-croatia/croatian-healthcare-system-among-worst-in-europe/203321).

  10. A concept suggested by Prof. Adalbert Evers, personal communication, October 2012.

  11. For example, Clubs for Treated Alcoholics were created in the mid-60’s by a physician at the Department of Psychiatry, Alcoholism and other Dependencies, Sestre Milosrdnice University Hospital, Zagreb (see Zoricic et al. 2006). These clubs operate on the basis of self-help and twelve-step principles derived from Alcoholics Anonymous (AA). Their formal leaders tend to be health professionals, they have close ties to in-hospital alcohol treatment programs (e.g., for referrals), and they are governed by a coalition NGO, Hrvatski savez klubova liječenih alkolholičara (HSKLA), led by a psychiatrist at the founding Department. AA meetings also exist in Croatia, but without connection with the formal alcohol treatment system. Meetings take place in private locations, such as church meeting rooms, and the number of such meetings country-wide is a small fraction of the number of Clubs that operate. This could be due to some aspects of the operating philosophy of AA, of course, but since the Clubs also claim to derive from and operate with AA principles, the connections with the formal care system appear critical to HSKLA’s dominance in the field.

  12. Admittedly, the situation of Croatian health- and disability-related NGOs is likely to differ from that of NGOs in other sub-sectors (particularly in terms of their connections with professionals and professionalism), although the overall circumstance of dependence on the state is relatively similar across the board.

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Acknowledgments

Research for this paper was supported in part by a Fulbright Scholarship in Zagreb, Croatia, February to July, 2013. The author expresses gratitude to colleagues and students (particularly Ines Vrbanec) at the School of Social Work, Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb, for their kind assistance with this work. Gratitude is also owed to participants in the workshop, “Theoretical Variations for Voluntary Sector Organizing: Topping off Old Bottles with New Wine,” at Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, for their comments on this paper, and to Wenjue Knutsen, the organizer of the workshop, and its sponsors. Participants in the Pembroke Center Seminar (Fall 2012) and the Cogut Center Fellows Seminar (Spring 2013), both at Brown University, also provided important support and feedback

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Correspondence to Ann P. Dill.

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Submitted for consideration as part of special issue, “Theoretical Variations for Voluntary Sector Organizing: Topping off Old Bottles with New Wine.”

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Dill, A.P. Health Care and Disability NGOs in Croatia: State Relations, Privatization, and Professionalism in an Emerging Field. Voluntas 25, 1192–1213 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-014-9440-7

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