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From Hōshi to Borantia: Transformations of Volunteering in Japan and Implications for Foreign Policy

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Abstract

This study explores the relationship between state–citizen relations and changing notions of volunteering in Japan. I map Japan’s state–citizen relations through an analysis of the transformations of volunteering in Japan from “hōshi” (mutual obligation) to “borantia” (borrowed from the English “volunteer”). The article broadly considers these paradigm shifts in terms of the context of the role International Non Profit Organisations (INPOs) play in Japanese foreign policy.

Résumé

Cette étude examine le lien entre les relations État-citoyen et les notions changeantes du bénévolat au Japon. J’esquisse le profil des relations entre l’État japonais et le citoyen à travers l’analyse des mutations qui ont touché le bénévolat au Japon, concept passant de « hōshi » (obligation mutuelle) à « borantia » (emprunt du mot anglais « bénévole »). L’article examine, dans l’ensemble, ces changements de paradigme au niveau du contexte du rôle des associations internationales à but non lucratif (AISBL) dans la politique étrangère du Japon.

Zusammenfassung

Diese Studie untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen den Bürger-Staat-Beziehungen und der sich wandelnden Vorstellung von gemeinnütziger Arbeit in Japan. Die Bürger-Staat-Beziehungen in Japan werden hierbei mithilfe einer Analyse der Transformation der gemeinnützigen Arbeit von „hōshi” (gegenseitige Verpflichtung) zu „borantia” (dem englischen Begriff „volunteer” – zu deutsch „ehrenamtlicher Mitarbeiter” – entlehnt) dargestellt. Die Abhandlung betrachtet diesen Paradigmenwechsel generell im Zusammenhang mit der Rolle internationaler Nonprofit-Organisationen in der japanischen Außenpolitik.

Resumen

El presente estudio analiza la relación entre el estado y los ciudadanos, así como las nociones cambiantes del voluntariado en Japón. En él, trazo un esquema de las relaciones entre el estado y los ciudadanos a través de un análisis de las transformaciones del voluntariado en Japón, que ha pasado de ser una “hôshi” (obligación mutua) a un “borantia” (préstamo del vocablo inglés volunteer, ‘voluntariado’). En el trabajo se analizan a grandes rasgos estos cambios paradigmáticos en base al contexto y la función de las organizaciones internacionales sin ánimo de lucro (INPO) en la política extranjera japonesa.

摘要

本研究探讨了日本的国家与公民关系和正在转变的志愿服务观念这两者之间的关系。我通过一项对日本志愿服务由”hōshi”(相互的义务)转化为”borantia” (借用了英语中的”志愿者”)的分析,编排提供了日本的国家与公民关系。本论文广泛考虑了以日本外交政策中”国际非盈利组织”(英语缩写 INPO)所起作用方面为条件下这些范式的转移。

ملخص

هذه الدراسة تفحص العلاقة بين علاقات الدولة- المواطن وتغيير مفاهيم العمل التطوعي في اليابان. لقد رسمت خريطة لعلاقات دولة اليابان- المواطن خلال تحليل تحولات العمل التطوعي في اليابان من “هوشي” (الإلتزام المتبادل) إلى ““borantia(المستعارة من الإنجليزية “المتطوعين”). هذا البحث يأخذ بعين الإعتبار على نطاق واسع هذه التحولات في النماذج من حيث سياق دور المنظمات الغير ربحية الدولية (INPOs) في السياسة الخارجية اليابانية.

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Notes

  1. Examples of legislation that discouraged organising outside of traditional political action are Article 5 of the Public Police Law of 1900 which denied women the right to attend or hold political meetings or join political parties and the Peace preservation Law of 1925.

  2. It should be noted that the terms “residents’ movement” and “citizens’ movement” are used interchangeably by some scholars.

  3. For example, in the “Gakken Kokugo Daijiten”, published in 1976, borantia was defined as, “…a person who is involved, without pay, through self motivation, in public works”.

  4. The Japanese term okami no ryouiki (domain of the authorities) refers to the public sphere, whereby okami, literally meaning “those above” signifies the government, and the complementary term, shimojimo, literally means those below or the common people. Traditionally, the Japanese value system held that those below should not interfere in the duties of those above. In this paradigm, the Japanese bureaucracy was viewed as entitled or deserving their power because graduating from Japan’s top universities, they were comprised of the “best and the brightest”. In addition they were also seen as serving a national mission.

  5. Or the Economic Planning Agency in the case of NPOs with offices in at least two prefectures.

  6. The following are the amendments to the tax law as outlined in Civil Society Monitor No. 8 December 2003: Various aspects of the “public support test”, which stipulates that more than one-third of an organisation’s total revenue must come from donations and grants, were relaxed. For example, the one-third minimum is being lowered to one-fifth for a trial period of three years. The condition requiring NPOs to conduct their activities in more than one municipality in order to become eligible for tax-deductibility has been removed. This amendment has made it possible for small scale community-based non-profits to obtain tax-deductible status. The requirement stipulating that NPOs approved for tax deductibility must submit advance notification to the National Tax Administration Agency before making overseas remittances or taking money abroad has been amended. Now notification is only required for amounts exceeding 2 million yen. (Amounts equalling 2 million yen or less can be reported to the agency at the end of the fiscal year.)

  7. While political parties have traditionally had supporter groups, this trend is the result of a recasting of these relationships as the ability of these traditional groups to deliver votes declines and the need for a plurality to win a single-member district increases (Pekkanen 2004).

  8. According to a survey by the Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications, 77% of households in Japan made charitable contributions in 2000. The average contribution was US$27. This is in contrast to the United States where a comparable number of households (89%) made charitable contributions, with the average household contribution US$1,620.

  9. Initially the PKO Bill lacked support in Japan and among Japan’s Asian neighbours who saw the dispatch of troops as violation of Article 9 of the nation’s so-called “peace constitution” imposed by the American occupation authorities. Article 9 which prohibits the use of military force as a tool of foreign policy (Nickerson 1992), had been the bedrock of Tokyo’s foreign policy since 1947. The new law permits the sending of no more than 2000 troops to support UN-sanctioned peace-keeping missions and forbids them from serving in a combat environment without special parliamentary approval (Nickerson 1992).

  10. The hostages were: Noriaki Imai, 18, who was researching the effects of depleted uranium shells on civilians; Nahoko Takato, 34, a Japanese volunteer working with street children; and Soichiro Koriyama, 32, photojournalist. The abduction of the three Japanese volunteers came to light on April 8, when Arabic satellite television broadcaster Al Jazeera aired video footage showing the three held by the group which called itself Saraya al-Mujahideen. The group threatened that unless Japan pulled its troops from Iraq within three days the hostages would be “burned alive”. Hostages’ families appeared on television pleading for their children’s lives and calling for the withdraw of Japanese troops from Iraq.

  11. The government later billed the released hostages for airfare and medical check-up.

  12. It should be noted that in past the government has paid big ransoms to secure hostages releases.

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Correspondence to Nichole Georgeou.

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Georgeou, N. From Hōshi to Borantia: Transformations of Volunteering in Japan and Implications for Foreign Policy. Voluntas 21, 467–480 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-010-9128-6

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