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When the Methodological Shoe is on the Other Foot: African American Interviewer and White Interviewees

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Abstract

Some scholars engaging in the insider/outsider debate have argued that the pairing of researcher and subjects based on racial similarity—i.e., “race matching”—is the most effective means for conducting qualitative research. Although insider/outsider status has been discussed with respect to white researchers' studies of African Americans, I explore the heretofore rarely discussed situation in which an African American is the researcher and whites are the subjects. I argue that insider status with respect to race continues to be based on a presumed connectedness linked to phenotypical characteristics—like skin color or hair texture. Yet, rather than experiencing a solely insider or outsider status, researchers and subjects experience what I call “insider moments” wherein their interests converge and they are able to share in the kinds of interactions that yield important insights. I conclude by evaluating the utility of insider/outsider status in qualitative research.

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Notes

  1. The names of people and places have been changed so that their identities might remain anonymous.

  2. Interestingly, Peretz (2004) suggests that Drake and Cayton (1945) had to rely upon some white research assistants because there were few African Americans who had reached the educational level necessary for conducting the research.

  3. In various places throughout this paper the word “approach” follows the insider or outsider designation rather than the word “status.” I do this to indicate the future orientation of a researcher who is purposely choosing subjects and fields of study based upon whether his or her identity characteristics match those of the proposed research population. Ultimately, insider/outsider status is a designation that occurs after one has entered the field, whereas approach is based upon a presumed status prior to entering the field.

  4. During the study there was a great degree of conversation regarding nightlife activities, including underage drinking. Both Big South University President, Rick Armstrong, and then Northeast Mayor, Carmela Devine, gave this issue considerable attention. Nightlife participants demonstrated frustration with the conversations and the proposed policies, feeling that they would hurt the notoriety of Northeast as a party place.

  5. Feagin and Picca (2007) analyze 626 journal entries documenting racial events that were written by white college students at twenty-eight colleges in the United States. The authors found that while students are civil in their discourse about race publically, they are more likely to convey racist attitudes privately. Additionally, not only did students make racist comments, but also even those students who disagreed with such comments tolerated them from others. Similarly, in a previous work (May 2001) I demonstrate how African American men within a racially homogeneous tavern use the tavern as a backstage and freely express their views regarding race.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Brittany Hearne for her research assistance and invaluable feedback on the analysis of interview data.

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Correspondence to Reuben A. Buford May.

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Buford May, R.A. When the Methodological Shoe is on the Other Foot: African American Interviewer and White Interviewees. Qual Sociol 37, 117–136 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-013-9265-5

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