Abstract
Prior research theorizes that ambivalence makes opinions about an object unreliable in the sense of being haphazard, unpredictable, or variable. As such, ambivalence is a prominent explanation for seeming nonattitudes in opinion surveys. This study proposes an alternative account of the effects of ambivalence on attitudes. It posits that people who are ambivalent about an issue split the difference between their conflicting considerations by taking a position near the middle of the bipolar opinion scale, which reflects a moderate attitude. I show how the widely-used method of modeling the supposed variability of ambivalent opinions conflates variability and moderation. This problem is addressed by modeling variability and moderation of attitudes separately, without this confound. Using this strategy in analyses involving four datasets and three policy domains, the results show that ambivalence is associated with moderate, not variable, attitudes. Ambivalence does not increase the variability of opinions but, rather, moves them quite predictably toward the middle of the response scale. The results recast our understanding of the effects of ambivalence on political opinions and raise questions about the ability of ambivalence to explain nonattitudes in surveys.
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Notes
In this study “moderation” refers to opinions that tend toward the center of a bipolar attitude scale, not an interaction between variables.
The BHCM may be appropriate in other contexts, such as when a choice is inherently binary.
Most studies of ambivalence address the causes or consequences of ambivalence as it occurs at a single point in time. Scholars have only recently begun to evaluate how and why ambivalence might change over time (see Rudolph 2011).
Anderson’s model would be a better reflection of the memory based model if r were an average based on a sampling of considerations rather than deterministic.
Readers interested in a more detailed discussion should consult Alvarez and Brehm’s first (1995) study using this method, the online technical appendices of their book (2002), or Greene (1993). The appendices to Alvarez and Brehm (2002) are available online at http://press.princeton.edu/alvarez/. The mechanics of the ordered HCM are discussed in Alvarez and Brehm (1998).
Attitude extremity, like ambivalence, is one of several dimensions of attitude strength. Others include subjective certainty, personal importance, and accessibility, to name a few (see Miller and Peterson 2004 for a review). Research shows that these and other dimensions of attitude strength are often correlated, and sometimes causally related, but are empirically distinct: They do not reflect a single underlying “attitude strength” construct (Krosnick et al. 1993).
Research on moderate opinions has raised questions about the meaning of middle responses in particular (e.g., “neither favor nor oppose”). Some have suggested that middle responses could reflect something other than neutrality, such as indifference, “don’t know,” an attempt to avoid taking a potentially controversial position, or satisficing which, in this context, means offering an opinion that will appear reasonable without having to put much thought into it (Krosnick 1991). However, methodological research that addresses these potential alternative interpretations of middle responses fails to support them, suggesting instead that most respondents who adopt a middle position really are neutral (O’Muircheartaigh et al. 2000). In one recent study, Malhotra et al. (2009, p. 317) conclude that “on balance, respondents who placed themselves at the midpoint belonged there.”
Participants in the lab study were recruited from political science courses. The telephone survey was conducted by a professional interviewers who work for the Ohio State Center for Survey Research.
Attempts to discern other ways that the framing manipulations might have been systematically significant, such as including them in the variance component of the OHCM, and through interactions, proved fruitless, both in the OHCM’s and other models.
One could randomly assign these omitted respondents to the “favor” and “oppose” categories, but since they did not choose these responses, this is the equivalent of adding a proportional amount of random noise to the data.
This does not not necessarily imply that the attitudes of highly-ambivalent respondents are more predictable than respondents with extreme opinions.
In this analysis, felt ambivalence might be conflated with the extent to which individuals have considered the issue in the past. In the lab data there is a measure of prior thought about the issue that allows me to address this. When prior thought is included in the model, its effects are nonsignificant and the coefficient on felt ambivalence increases rather than decreases.
Respondents in the Blacks condition were coded Dummy1 = 1 and Dummy2 = 0. Those in the Asian Americans condition were coded Dummy1 = 0 and Dummy2 = 1. Those in the women condition were coded Dummy1 = 0 and Dummy2 = 0.
Respondents in condition “a” were coded Dummy1 = 1 and Dummy2 = 0. Those in condition “b” were coded Dummy1 = 0 and Dummy2 = 1. And those in condition “c” were coded Dummy1 = 0 and Dummy2 = 0.
The appendix is available online at http://press.princeton.edu/alvarez/appd.pd. The five models were replicated as faithfully as possible based on the descriptions of them in the book and technical appendix. Even so, there were some differences between the results presented here and those in the book. They may have resulted from an ambiguity in the description of Alvarez and Brehm’s equality scale, which was used to construct the measure of ambivalence between equality and individualism. Their measure of equality is a scale of three items. However, they only identify one of the three. The question they identified asked how much people favor or oppose “more money being spent to reduce unemployment.” The two other items that I identified independently as indicators of support for equality, and included in the scale used here, were taken from a series of questions that asked about the importance of various “goals for America.” These two items were based on responses to the questions that asked about the importance of “equality for women” and “equality for Blacks.” Among all the other items in the survey, these two seem the most reasonable and appropriate as measures of support for equality. Another small ambiguity was that Alvarez and Brehm include in their variance models a measure of “financial status” that is not discussed in the text or tables. For this reason, it is not clear how this variable is measured. In this replication financial status was measured using a question about family income.
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Acknowledgments
For helpful comments and suggestions I wish to thank Robert Franzese, Tobin Grant, Phil Habel, Howie Lavine, Scott McClurg, Kathleen McGraw, Fred Solt, Marco Steenbergen, and Joe Young. I thank Drew Seib for research assistance.
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Mulligan, K. Variability or Moderation? The Effects of Ambivalence on Political Opinions. Polit Behav 35, 539–565 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-012-9199-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-012-9199-8