Abstract
This article reconsiders the interpretation of Wealhtheow and her name in the light of recent advances in onomastic and textual scholarship. It argues against the supposition of a relationship between name-etymology and characterization in Beowulf, while raising the possibility that the genuine name of Hrothgar’s queen might have been obscured during the poem’s textual transmission.
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Notes
It is an established convention of Beowulf scholarship to refer to this character as “Wealhtheow,” but it should be noted that her name is generally transmitted as Wealhþeo, with omission of the concluding wynn (ƿ). This article uses the former spelling to refer to the character and the latter spelling (italicized) to refer to her name. On the chronological significance of the þēo spellings in the Beowulf manuscript, see Fulk et al. (2008: 327–328), Fulk (2014: 25–26) and Neidorf (2017a: §§56–57).
The central insight of onomastic scholarship that has not yet been fully integrated into literary scholarship on names in Beowulf is that there is a fundamental division between a language’s lexicon and its onomasticon. The corpus of eligible name-elements was fixed, archaic, and conventional; the formation of dithematic names was governed by onomastic rather than semantic considerations. See Clark (1992: 452–458), Kitson (2002: 93–97), Insley (2006: 113–114) and Hough (2010: 5–8).
Orchard remarks: “From the opening word of her speech, Wealhtheow establishes herself as one who speaks primarily in the imperative mood; she issues no fewer than four such imperatives in the first six lines” (2003: 220). For other observations about Wealhtheow’s character that militate against the suggestion that she is servile, see Damico (1984: 58–86) and Olsen (1997: 319–320).
Worthy of particular note is Gordon’s observation that “the oldest known name containing the -þewaz element, olþuþewaʀ, inscribed in runes on a third-century sword-chape from a bog-find at Thorsbjærg, is usually interpreted as Wolþuþewaʀ, the older form of a Norse *Ullþér, ‘servant of the god Ullr’” (1935: 171).
It is significant that the Old High German name-stock includes both masculine names (with -deo, -theo) and feminine names (with -diu, -thiu), since Wealhþēo appears rather anomalous in the context of the Old English and Old Norse name-stock, its deuterotheme being restricted in the recorded corpora of these languages to masculine personal names. Jurasinski (2007) would account for this anomaly by suggesting that Wealhþēo might have entered the name-stock as a descriptive nickname, which was eventually dissociated from its meaning and passed on to later bearers (such as the Danish queen) as a semantically emptied formation. Wealhtheow’s name is not necessarily a gender mismatch, though, since Proto-Germanic *þiwī (cf. Gothic þiwi) could be expected to evolve into Old English -þeo (I thank R. D. Fulk for clarifying this point to me). There are, of course, other personal names in which the grammatical gender of the deuterotheme, when viewed synchronically within the Old English onomasticon, appears to be at odds with the gender of the name’s bearer; for examples, see Hough (2010: 7), Okasha (2011), Colman (2014). It should be noted that the -þēow element, attested in Old English only in legendary or mythological names, was plainly not productive in insular namegiving. On the antiquity of this element and its declining popularity off the continent, see Wessén (1927: 49), Haubrichs (2004) and Insley (2006: 122–124).
Gordon’s views receive sympathetic treatment in Damico (1984), though she also credits the ‘foreign slave’ etymology by developing Malone’s (1929) contention that Wealhtheow’s name referred originally to Yrse, and that the Beowulf poet conflated the two figures. A number of improbabilities attend Damico’s position; see Harris (1986).
See Neidorf (2013b, 2015, 2017a: §§88–125) and Shippey (2007: 474–476, 2014). For pertinent remarks in earlier scholarship, see Sisam (1953: 37) and Tolkien (2006: 32, 2014: 148). Scribal unfamiliarity with proper names belonging to a defunct legendary tradition supports the hypothesis that the composition of Beowulf antedated the production of its extant manuscript by several centuries. On the dating of Beowulf, see Fulk (1992), Lapidge (2000), Russom (2002), Cronan (2004), Neidorf and Pascual (2014); and the summary of recent philological scholarship in Neidorf (2016b).
These remarks are informed by the lexemic theory of scribal behavior (Neidorf 2017a: §§126–160), which holds—contrary to the position, e.g., of O’Brien O’Keeffe (1990)—that scribes copied from their exemplars mechanically, on a word-by-word basis, not following the continuous sense of the narrative or participating in the creation of a new literary work. The lexemic theory accords with the conclusions of Orton (2000: 189–208).
On this metrical regularity, see Sievers (1885: 255) and Bliss (1967: §64–65). Although textual conservatives (e.g., Stanley 1984) reject emendation on the basis of metrical considerations, recent publications have corroborated the supposition that unmetricality is a reliable indicator of textual corruption. See Fulk (1997), Neidorf (2016a) and Pascual (2013–2014, 2015, 2017).
Cf. Patterson: “if a certain kind of reading is demonstrably scribal where it is weakly attested then it must be just as scribal where it is strongly and even unanimously attested” (1987: 85).
The name Wealhræfn, which occurs only in Domesday Book, probably represents a corruption of Wælhræfn, with scribal representation of wæl- (or Old Norse val-) as Wealh. The form thus appears to provide an interesting parallel to the corruption of Wælþēo into Wealhþēo.
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Acknowledgements
I thank Paul Cavill, R. D. Fulk, and Carole Hough for reading this paper in draft and improving it with their insightful observations and suggestions.
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Neidorf, L. Wealhtheow and Her Name: Etymology, Characterization, and Textual Criticism. Neophilologus 102, 75–89 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-017-9538-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-017-9538-4