Abstract
This paper analyzes the relationship between the size of an economic union and the degree of policy centralization. We consider a political economy setting in which elected representatives bargain over the degree of centralization within the union. In our model, strategic delegation affects the identity of the representatives, and hence the equilibrium policy outcome. We show that the relationship between the extensive and the intensive margin of centralization may be non-monotonic: Up to a certain threshold a larger size implies deeper integration, whereas beyond that threshold centralization declines with further increases in size. We also show that freezing the level of centralization and associate memberships can mitigate this trade-off.
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Alesina and Spolaore (1997, 2003) analyze the role of heterogeneity in explaining the size of countries. Lockwood (2002) sets up a legislative bargaining model that explains as to why centralized policies may be insensitive to heterogeneous local policy preferences. Crémer and Palfrey (1996, 2000) study voter preferences for centralization in a setting with uniform policies and heterogeneous citizens.
Related papers dealing with strategic delegation in a bargaining context are Segendorff (1998), Buchholz et al. (2005), Rota Graziosi (2009), and Harstad (2007, 2008, 2010). Another related strand of literature is that of strategic information transmission (see, e.g., Olofsgård 2005). None of these papers, however, deals with the issue of policy centralization.
In our specification of utility, public goods are imperfect substitutes, similar to Besley and Coate (2003).
It is straightforward to relax this assumption.
In a rent-seeking approach, for example, centralization costs per country tend to be decreasing in the number of countries whereas in a setting with policy uncertainty, the effect may have the opposite sign.
Note that we are abstracting from country differences and in particular from core-periphery considerations. Otherwise, the spill-over term β would also depend on the size of the union, for example, if the union grows from the core to the periphery.
Since \(d\tilde{\beta}^{*}/dn=-\tilde{\beta}^{*}/(n-1)\) from (5), we obtain \(d [1+(n-1)\tilde{\beta}^{*} ]/dn=0\). Therefore, the first term in (13) decreases in n for \(\tilde{\beta}^{e} = \tilde{\beta}^{*}\). In addition, the expression n(2lnn−1) increases in n, such that the expression \(d V_{i}(\bar{\alpha},\cdot) / d\alpha_{i}^{\mathrm{rep}} \) decreases in n.
As the decision problem of the median voter is highly nonlinear, we are not able to go further and determine analytically the influence of n on the endogenous variables in our model. Our benchmark simulation uses ad hoc chosen values of \(\bar{\alpha}=3\) , f=0.5 and γ=0.5.
This clearly illustrates the fact that the inefficiency in our model results from the possibility of paying transfers between union members. Given this outcome, one may argue in favor of prohibiting such transfers in the first place. However, in a more general framework with heterogeneous countries, transfers also play a positive role as they facilitate cooperation (see, e.g., Harstad 2010). Moreover, if direct monetary transfers between regions were not possible, governments may resort to alternative ways of making concessions, for example, when deciding about the location of certain common institutions or the nationality of the decision-makers in the union.
For the complications involved in analyzing an asymmetric setting even for the case of only two countries, see Lorz and Willmann (2005).
In a recent paper, Desmet et al. (2011) study the sequence of the break-up of Yugoslavia using such an approach.
Thus, the ratchet cannot completely eliminate strategic delegation, but it can prevent a possible decline in the degree of centralization.
Note that similar graphs can be drawn for admitting more than one associated member.
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Ansgar Belke, Emily Blanchard, Hartmut Egger, Steffen Minter, Stefan Napel, Otto Reich, and seminar participants at the Ifo Political Economy Workshop, the VfS-AWTP Meeting, the IIPF Annual Conference, and Universities of Bayreuth, Deakin, Elon, Massey, Monash, Tübingen, and Virginia. We are also grateful to two anonymous referees for their helpful comments. The usual disclaimer applies. All errors are ours.
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Appendices
Appendix A
This appendix derives the marginal effects of \(\alpha_{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}\) on \(Z_{i}^{e}\) and \(\tilde{\beta}^{e}\) holding all \(\alpha_{j}^{\mathrm{rep}}\) (\(j \not=i\)) constant. As we depart from the symmetric equilibrium, we can summarize all countries \(j \not= i\) by a representative country −i.
With \(s_{i}=s (\alpha^{\mathrm{rep}}_{i},\beta)\) and \(s_{-i}=s (\alpha^{\mathrm{rep}}_{-i},\beta)\), the first-order conditions for Z i and Z −i can be written as
From these two equations, we can eliminate λ:
Defining \(\tilde{s}^{e}_{i}=s (\alpha^{\mathrm{rep}}_{i},\tilde{\beta}^{e} )\) and \(\tilde{s}^{e}_{-i}=s (\alpha^{\mathrm{rep}}_{-i},\tilde{\beta}^{e} )\), we can write the first-order condition for \(\tilde{\beta}^{e}\) as
This yields:
Combining (14) with (15) leads to:
In addition, the budget constraint has to be satisfied:
Equations (14), (16), and (17) determine the three unknowns, \(Z_{i}^{e}\), \(Z_{-i}^{e}\), and \(\tilde{\beta}^{e}\). Totally differentiating these three equations, setting \(d\alpha_{-i}^{\mathrm{rep}}=0\), and employing the symmetry properties \(Z_{i}^{e}=Z_{-i}^{e}=0\), \(\alpha _{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}=\alpha_{-i}^{\mathrm{rep}}\), and \(\tilde{s}_{i}^{e}=\tilde{s}_{-i}^{e}\) yields
Appendix B
This appendix determines the centralization surplus for a setting in which elected policymakers also decide on the public good levels. In this case, the supplied public good levels in the third stage of the model depend on the identity of the representatives according to \(g_{i}^{d}=\alpha _{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}\) and \(g_{i}^{c}=\alpha_{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}+\sum_{j\not=i} \alpha_{j}^{\mathrm{rep}} \beta\). The centralization surplus of a citizen in country i with preference α is given by
Taking the derivative of (23) at \(\bar{\alpha}= \alpha^{\mathrm{rep}}\) implies
An increase in the preference of the domestic representative for public spending therefore lowers the surplus from the view of the voters.
In the first stage of the model, the median voter in country i maximizes
The first-order condition is given by
As in the baseline model (Eq. (11)), the sum of the first two terms of (25) is negative (as \(\partial Z_{i}^{e}/\partial\alpha_{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}<0\) and s i (⋅)=0) for \(\alpha ^{\mathrm{rep}}=\bar{\alpha}\). According to (24), the last term of (25) is also negative. Therefore, we can conclude that the first order condition implies \(\alpha_{i}^{\mathrm{rep}}<\bar{\alpha}\) similar to our baseline model.
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Lorz, O., Willmann, G. Size versus scope: on the trade-off facing economic unions. Int Tax Public Finance 20, 247–267 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10797-012-9223-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10797-012-9223-2