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The steering of higher education systems: a public management perspective

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Abstract

This article focuses on the steering of higher education systems in the light of political science and public management approaches. It first recalls that an important part of the existing literature on higher education is focused on public policies in terms of reforms and decision-making, while the other part is dedicated to discovering and understanding the policy network or the policy regimes producing these policies. Both perspectives tend to look at higher education as a specific field. By contrast, the authors state that the transformations experienced in higher education are similar to those experienced by other key public services, an can be understood as a redefinition of the role of the nation state in the public generally. They therefore suggest to look at the steering patterns in higher education by investigating the underlying ‘narratives’ of public management reform and their variation or combination from one European nation state to another. Three main narratives of public services reform are discussed: the New Public Management (NPM), the Network governance and the Neo-Weberian narrative. For each narrative, the authors try to predict some ‘signs and symptoms’ that should be observed in higher education. Drawing on this reflection, the authors finally suggest further research perspectives which could be developed.

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Notes

  1. The notion of policy network is used here in its descriptive heuristic meaning (following Rhoades and Marsh for instance) and not as an alternative model to pluralism and neo-corporatism to rethink state society relationships (as suggested by Lehmbruch 1995 for instance).

  2. As defined by Bleiklie (2000, p.54): “the network of patterns of influence that are particular to a policy area or an entire polity”.

  3. We agree with the distinction by Bleiklie et al. (2000) between the idealist and the functionalist approaches but in this article we want to stress their convergent conceptions about the role of the state.

  4. This includes politicians and university reformers but also the tenants of the “strong programme” (among many others Bloor 1976; Latour 1987; Lynch 1993) who fight against the idea of science as a different activity and of scientists as a group outside the society.

  5. In their analysis of the transformation of the British higher education system, Kogan and Hanney (2000) provide an interesting analysis of what they call the “co-opted elite”, i.e. mostly academics who are recognised as interlocutors by the political and ministerial actors and contribute to the definition of the forthcoming reforms.

  6. In a comparison between academic labour markets in France, Germany and the United States, Musselin (2005, Chap. 7) argued that French universities first of all work as shelters for French academics, while German universities (at least until 2001 and the progressive introduction of merit salaries) behave as investors betting on their professors when they recruit them, and US universities are engaged in a employer-wage earner relationship.

  7. This only happens for professors (Professoren), not for assistants (Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiter) and the ministry intervenes in the negotiation when extra-funding is needed to attract a top level academic. For others, the role of the ministry is to control the conformity of the hiring process. It can, and sometimes does, decide to modify the ranking established by the hiring commission.

  8. The research led by Lamont with other colleagues on how some American research funding bodies make decision and select the project to be funded shows the interest such “internal” studies can have (Mallard et al. 2002; Guetzkow et al. 2002).

  9. In many countries this recreated the situation prevailing before the Second World War when the development of universities was deeply intertwined with the trajectory of the local territory where they were located.

  10. In France the laws of decentralisation did not concern higher education which remains a national issue. But since the mid 1980s, local actors (regions, departments or cities) claim involvement in decisions pertaining to higher education and affect part of their budgets to fund equipments, buildings, fellowships, research projects and even some faculty positions.

  11. But the EU, and more precisely the Commission, is part of the process and Racké (2006) for instance argues that this process, although intergovernmental, facilitates the (indirect) intervention of the Commission on higher education and legitimates the production of “commission papers” on this topic.

  12. The perspective adopted in this third section is close to Braun’s (2006) contribution and analysis of different rationales in of S&T policies. In particular what he calls the “modernisation cluster” can be associated to the NPM narrative while the “postmodern cluster” can be related to the network governance narrative.

  13. It is again close to Braun’s (2006) approach when the author questions the link between the instrument link in S&T policies and the mix of policy rationales.

  14. But also the 40 best graduate programmes and the 30 scientific clusters. 1, 9 billion Euros will be allocated.

  15. Empty or real threat? Some British observers mentioned the possibility for Oxford and Cambridge of threatening the British government to recruit only overseas students if no increases of fees occurred.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank Ute Lanzendorf (INCHER, University of Kassel) for providing them with a very complete bibliography on steering in higher education in some European countries. They are also grateful to Patrick Le Galès who discussed this article at the HELF seminar held in Paris, and to all participants to this Paris meeting.

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Ferlie, E., Musselin, C. & Andresani, G. The steering of higher education systems: a public management perspective. High Educ 56, 325–348 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-008-9125-5

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