Abstract
Although often criticized by part of legal scholarship, the idea of judicial behavior being influenced by judges’ egoistic goals simply needs the appropriate institutional setting in order to be validated. In the present paper, the hypothesis of careerism affecting judges’ conduct is investigated with regard to the case of the Italian Constitutional Court, where judges only serve for a limited and non-renewable term of 9 years. This institutional framework allows to reasonably assume on a theoretical level the existence of career concerns among them. In order to maximize the chances of future appointments, judges try to earn as much reputation as possible among relevant audiences. Empirical evidence supports the theory that career concerns push judges to react to incentives that alter the reputational returns of their conduct. This result holds independently of judges’ personal characteristics that might influence their professional concerns.
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Notes
The appointment is made by means of a presidential decree.
Judges are elected by both chambers of the Parliament sitting in joint session with a special 60% majority, thus forcing agreements among the ruling coalition with opposition.
Judges are elected by magistrates serving in the High Courts, with an absolute majority. A second ballot among the two most voted candidates takes place, if none reaches the quorum in the first vote.
According to the Constitution, the ICC also has jurisdiction in the case of the President of the Republic’s impeachment, is responsible for deciding on the constitutional legitimacy of referendums and solves jurisdiction conflicts among constitutional bodies.
Empirical evidence in support of this fact emerges from the data employed in this work (See infra Table 10). A statistically significant relationship relates the field of specializations of judges to the topic dealt in the case: it turns out that judges expert in criminal law will be assigned to cases regarding criminal legislation. The same remains true also for judges with a background in civil law or fiscal law, while Constitutional law experts in the ICC are employed as sort of factotum and thus homogenously assigned to cases dealing with any field of law.
Although not being the first study directly addressing the issue of rational choice, this article has the merit of having largely influenced the following debate on the topic. Nevertheless, also other works had previously tried to interpret judges’ work adopting self-interest and Public Choice theory as working tools (Higgins and Rubin 1980; Cooter 1983). For a general survey of the following literature, see Shepherd (2011).
Of course, the determinants of judicial behavior are not restricted to careerism. Another strand of literature has investigated the topic of ideology as a key element for explaining judicial decisions (Epstein and Knight 1997).
This line of reasoning of course excludes US elected judges, whose position is much closer to the one of elected politicians and thus falls under a Public Choice approach (Posner 2005).
This work concentrates only on the professional opportunities that judges seek after their office in the Constitutional Court is over. Strictly speaking, also a career path within the ICC might be identified, since the Court is chaired by a President elected among judges. Although the ICC President has substantial powers, in the considered time period (2002–2011) 16 different Presidents have headed the ICC: given an average presidency of 7.5 months, such office might be considered more as an honorary status for senior judges than a position for which compete.
Only offices that were not the continuum of their previous occupation have been taken into consideration.
Of the 1843 decisions considered in the present analysis, 1072 were not entered in the merits (58% of the total) while 771 were granted review (42%). Among the 771 decisions in the merits 605 (78% of this subsample) confirmed the constitutional legitimacy of the law while 166 (22%) disposed in favor of the illegitimacy.
A Student’s t test revealed a highly statistically significant difference in the length of decisions according to the fact that they entered in the merits of cases or not (p value \({<}\)0.0001).
In the very recent years, the ICC has decided over many relevant topics both for politics (electoral voting system or personal liability of Government’s member) and citizens (pensions or in vitro fertilization).
When an judge forwards a request to the ICC, the original lawsuit is suspended until the ICC’s ruling.
It is not the Prime Minister (nor other members of the Executive) to personally participate to the debate. This task is performed by the Avvocatura della Stato. However, this event still expresses a direct interest of the Government in the constitutional case.
The ANM (Associazione Nazionale Magistrati) is the representative body of the Italian Judiciary. However, within the ANM, several components have emerged, differentiating their political connotations: Magistratura Democratica (Center-Left), Unitá per la Costituzione (Center) and Magistratura Indipendente (Center-Right).
Constitutional review cases are brought to the ICC’s attention by the request of any judge in the event that a law being applied in an ordinary lawsuit is suspected to be in contrast with the Constitution.
The Court of last resort for civil and criminal jurisdictions.
According to Ruggieri and Spadaro (2008), a similar circumstance occurred only eight times since the ICC was established in 1956.
The 1843 observations refer to 1424 rulings published by the Court. Such higher number of observations is due to the existence of in parte qua decisions, containing a plurality of judgements within a single ruling. Petitioners might raise several questions over which the ICC might rule separately in different ways (but in a unique decision). Accordingly, each individual ruling has been considered as a distinct observation.
Formally, \(\pi _{i}=\) Pr(REVIEW\(_{i}=1|\mathbf {X}_{i}\)), with \(\mathbf {X}_{i}\) a vector of all considered variables of interest.
Specifically, models (2), (3) and (4) cluster standard errors at the Reporter’s level (28 clusters), while models (5), (6) and (7) cluster at the case’s level (1416 clusters).
In order to deal with the high skewness of NUM_REQ, all tests were performed excluding the top 1% outliers. Accordingly, only decisions that had less than 34 requests where considered for the statiscal tests. Furthermore, the same tests were equally performed also excluding all appeals coming from a Supreme Court (of last resort), in order to account for their greater importance to judges’ eyes
Padovano and Fiorino (2012) have tried to disentangle this issue, although focusing on a different sample of cases.
This is due to the small number of decisions dealing with these kind of laws: once accounting for the the kind of legislation contained in the national budget, there is no sufficient variance left.
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I would like to thank Theodore Eisenberg, Giovanni Ramello, Stefan Voigt, Chris Sanchirico, Fernando Gomez, Giuseppe Di Vita, Veronica Grembi, Matteo Migheli, Peter Grajzl, Barbara Luppi, Jerg Gutman and participants to seminars in Alessandria, Bologna, Erfurt, Montpellier, Roma, Groningen, Santander, Torino, Silvaplana and Nanterre for their useful comments. This paper was awarded with the 2014 “Brenno Galli” Prize for the best young promising scholar, granted by the Italian Law and Economics Society. Contact: alessandro.melcarne@parisnanterre.fr.
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Melcarne, A. Careerism and judicial behavior. Eur J Law Econ 44, 241–264 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-017-9565-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-017-9565-4