Abstract
This study aims to illuminate the processes that make individuals engage in organized crime activities. Within the diversity of individual involvement processes, several distinctive mechanisms are discussed. Theoretical ideas are illustrated by empirical data on 15 crime groups, including over 300 offenders. The crime groups differ in size, composition, and the nature of criminal activities. Social capital theory is used to understand the dynamical process of becoming involved in organized crime; on the one hand an individual contributes to a crime group, on the other hand the crime group helps an individual reach certain goals. Case studies reveal several resources, such as knowledge, skills, and equipment, that make offenders suit and contribute to a particular organized crime group. Criminal and conventional histories of organized crime offenders turn out to be diverse. Several joint characteristics that opened doors to organized crime opportunities, like running one’s own business, are discussed. It is confirmed that involvement through family and long-time friends is common; most criminal groups contain at least one or two relatives.
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Notes
Using the theory of social capital to explain crime involvement seems paradoxical at first sight, as higher levels of social capital are generally found to be related to lower crime levels [29]. However, social capital also has its downside. Some social structures have illegal means, such as organized crime groups, and individuals within such groups use the contacts within the group to mount their criminal activities [27]. This downside of social capital is labeled perverse social capital [31] or criminal social capital [19]. It is the consequence of an environment that favors criminal behavior.
Two main perspectives characterize social capital theory (see for an overview [28]). The first centres on individuals as units of analysis and is related to a rational choice approach (applied by e.g. [4, 5, 17]). The second perspective takes a more sociological view, focusing on the collective rather than the individual (applied by e.g. [27, 29]). This study uses a combination of these two perspectives by reasoning from the interaction between resources of the individual offender and resources of the criminal group.
Organized Crime Monitor considers groups the be involved in organized crime “when they are primarily focused on obtaining illegal profits, systematically commit crimes with serious damage for society, and are reasonably capable of shielding their criminal activities from the authorities” [8]. For more information on this monitor, see [13].
This number is relatively low because many offenders are not born in the Netherlands or do not even live here, whereas we only have data available on Dutch judicial contacts. So, this does not mean the remaining offenders are first offenders; they may have extensive judicial careers outside the Netherlands.
This is more or less the same proportion as in the Organized Crime Monitor, in which 55 out of 120 crime groups are involved in drugs.
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The data used in this paper are part of a continuing research project, the Organized Crime Monitor. I am grateful to the members of the Organized Crime Monitor research group, particularly Ruud Kouwenberg and Maïté van Nassou. Special thanks go to Christianne de Poot, Edward Kleemans, Arjan Blokland, and the reviewers for their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
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van Koppen, M.V. Involvement mechanisms for organized crime. Crime Law Soc Change 59, 1–20 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-012-9396-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-012-9396-8