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Rent-seeking and economic governance in the structural nexus of corruption in China

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Abstract

This article examines the sources of widespread rent-seeking practices and their relations to corruption in China. It argues that rent-creation and seeking are difficult to eliminate because they have become institutionalized as the constitutive parts of economic governance. Using case studies drawn from a number of industrial sectors, this study shows that the creation and allocation of economic rents has become a major policy instrument used by various levels of governments to manoeuvre industrial plans and development priorities. At the same time, the discretionary power exercised by state agents in implementing development priorities has created mounting opportunities for exchanging rents with bribes. The result is a structural nexus between economic governance, rent-seeking and corruption that defy administrative measures aiming at achieving a clean government in China.

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Notes

  1. IRMA China apparently was not officially registered. It was subsequently investigated by the Ministry of Civil Affairs.

  2. The case is widely studied. See, for example, [30].

  3. See Wu Jinglian’s interview in [40], p. 13.

  4. According to Hu, the second source of corruption comes from the black market and underground economy. These include smuggling, unlicensed factories, drug trafficking, prostitution, gambling, and informal transactions such as usury. The third source of corruption derives from tax evasion, such as unfair tax relief or exemption of customs tax. The fourth relates to public expenditure. It includes corrupt practices in supplies procurement and illicit public investment. See [16], p. 39.

  5. Note that Hu considered these as “rents” rather than surpluses. He also included “rents” from smuggling, tax evasion by enterprises, unclear land rights, import and export licenses, difference in profit margins across industries, variations in fiscal retention across different provinces and cities, and the welfare privileges enjoyed by cadres. From these he calculated a rent sum of over RMB 400 billion, or 40% of the gross national income.

  6. The last update of the price control list was announced in 2001 which is still applicable to date. See [7].

  7. There is a further form of particularistic advantage, namely special favour and convenience offered by governments and officials to a few selected economic actors. It involves priority access to raw materials (such as electricity and water), permission to deviate from regulations, or simplification of bureaucratic procedures. Such kinds of advantages can exert direct bearing on business operations as they affect the level playing field in the Chinese market. They can also be exchanged through illicit practices (for example, bribery) as well as through legal and legitimate means. Since the extension of special favour and convenience often involves non-material benefits, we have excluded it here in order to simplify the discussion.

  8. For a critique of such stylized understanding of the East Asian states, see [2].

  9. A detailed account of the lobbying behind the Guangzhou Peugeot and the Beijing Jeep projects can be found in [12].

  10. Aux announced in March 2005 its withdrawal from the automobile sector due to bad sales and financial problems.

  11. Lin describes this as the logic of the political market. See [22].

  12. Except First Auto Works and Dongfeng which are directly under central government supervision and Chang’an, Hafei, and Changhe which are under the military system, most of the other automakers are within the jurisdiction of local governments. Major enterprises such as Shanghai Automotive, Tianjin Auto, and Guangzhou Auto are owned either by the provincial or prefecture city governments. There are also private enterprises which disguised themselves as collective enterprises under the consent of local governments, in a practice which often referred to as “wearing a red hat”. Brilliance China Automotive during the directorship of Yang Rong is a case in point.

  13. Montinola, Qian and Weingast describe this as Chinese-style federalism. See [26].

  14. Wu Jinglian’s interview in [43], pp 21–22.

  15. Cited in Harwit [12], chapter 2, note 55.

  16. This is the estimate given by the Department of Audit from a sample investigated in 2006. The actual percentage will undoubtedly be much higher. See [21].

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Correspondence to Tak-Wing Ngo.

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This study is part of a research project on the Politics of Rent-seeking and Economic Privileges in China. The project is funded by the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences and supported by the Chinese Ministry of Education.

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Ngo, TW. Rent-seeking and economic governance in the structural nexus of corruption in China. Crime Law Soc Change 49, 27–44 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9089-x

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