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Do democracies have higher current account deficits?

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Abstract

In this paper we argue that democracies tend to run (larger) current account deficits than autocracies. Our argument is based on the different incentives faced by democratic and autocratic leaders. The main theoretical hypothesis is tested on a dataset of 121 countries over the period 1980–2012, using 5 year averages and a fixed effects panel data model. Special focus is given on the issue of endogeneity by estimating an IV Fixed Effects model. Relying on the idea of the regional waves of democratization and the special role of the Christian Church on the third wave of democratization, we use as instruments of Democracy the level of democracy in neighboring countries and also the share of Christian adherents in each country. Both instruments turn out to be valid determinants of democracy. The empirical findings suggest that autocracies run lower current account deficits than democracies. These results are found to be robust across alternative empirical specifications.

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Notes

  1. These measures included for example the full exporting of all Romania’s agricultural goods, which of course led to huge decline in the standard of living of the whole population (Mungiu-Pippidi 2001). In our sample the average current account balance over GDP for Romania before democratization run on 1.61%, implying a non negligible current account surplus. After the fall of communism and the democratization of the country the respective number to − 6.12%. Even if we take the years after 2000, when democracy appears more consolidated, the average current account deficit in Romania is 1.41% of GDP.

  2. Positive values of the variable imply current account surplus whereas negative ones imply deficit.

  3. Since we found Oil Rents to be highly correlated with Democracy, we made the two variables orthogonal by regressing Democracy on the share of Oil Rents to GDP and used the residuals as the variable Oil Rents. For the relationship between Oil endowments and dictatorship see also Crespo Cuaresma et al. (2011).

  4. According to Chinn and Ito (2007) “...a global saving glut argument views excess saving from Asian emerging market countries, driven by rising saving and collapsing investment in the aftermath of the financial crisis (and to a lesser extent Europe), as the cause of the U.S. current account deficit...” (Chinn and Ito 2007, p. 248).The financial deepening hypothesis on the other hand suggests that financial development leads to higher investment and, thus, to lower current account deficit.

  5. In the tables that follow we present the results of a linear effect of relative income on \(cab_{i,t}\). We have estimated the same model with a squared term and found that the non-linear effect turned out statistically insignificant. As this did not affect our main results, we opted for a linear specification regarding the relative income variable.

  6. The Hausman for Fixed versus Random Effects is given in the last line of Table 2. The Random Effects model is clearly rejected in favor of the Fixed Effects model.

  7. Which in our sample is equal to 6.6.

  8. We have also estimated our baseline model in an annual dataset and found the same effect of polity to the 1% level of statistical significance. These results are available from the authors.

  9. There are no instances of countries with a polity score equal to − 10.

  10. This may be attributed to the significant decline in the observations.

  11. The only exception to the above statement being the variables which measure the Real Effective Exchange Rate and the Private Credit as % of GDP.

  12. Although the coefficient is half in size, we can’t reject the hypothesis that the two coefficients are not equal because the estimated confidence intervals are overlapping.

  13. We consider as floating regimes, the crawling band, managed floating or freely floating regimes (see Ilzetzki et al. 2017 for more details).

  14. As available online on http://www.thearda.com/Archive/Files/Descriptions/WRDNATL.asp.

  15. As we have a Fixed Effects IV model the instrument must exhibit high within variation. The within standard deviation of the share of Christian adherents variable in our sample is 0.15 with an associated coefficient of variation equal to 0.3056. When we performed a t-test it turned out that we can reject the hypothesis of a zero Coefficient of Variation at the 1% of statistical significance, therefore we do not have enough evidence that there is no variability in the instrument.

  16. We have examined other instruments along the same line as well, for example the share of protestants, share of Jewish adherents etc. In all cases the correlation coefficient with Democracywas rather lower than the instruments used here. More importantly all tests for the validity of instruments rejected the use of this latter set of instruments.

  17. The Kleibergen–Paap Wald test suggests that all our instruments are strong and also F test indicates that our IV model is not weakly identified.

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Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Thomas Moutos, Nikos Mylonides and an anonymous referee for valuable suggestions and discussions. We have also benefited from comments by Thanasis Stengos, Fabio Antoniou, Thanasis Lapatinas, Michael Chletsos, Stamatia Ftergioti, George Tridimas as well as from participants at the 4th confenence on Applied Economics (University of Thessaly), the 2016 IMAEF Conference and also from seminar participants at the University of Ioannina. Sofia Tsarsitalidou, would like to acknowledge financial support from the IKY foundation and the EU under the NSRF 2014–2020 operational program “Human Resources Development, Education in life long learning”. Any remaining errors are ours.

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Funding was provided by State Scholarships Foundation (GR).

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Adam, A., Tsarsitalidou, S. Do democracies have higher current account deficits?. Const Polit Econ 29, 40–68 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-017-9255-9

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