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Understanding and Using Informants’ Reporting Discrepancies of Youth Victimization: A Conceptual Model and Recommendations for Research

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Abstract

Discrepancies often occur among informants’ reports of various domains of child and family functioning and are particularly common between parent and child reports of youth violence exposure. However, recent work suggests that discrepancies between parent and child reports predict subsequent poorer child outcomes. We propose a preliminary conceptual model (Discrepancies in Victimization Implicate Developmental Effects [DiVIDE]) that considers how and why discrepancies between parents’ and youths’ ratings of child victimization may be related to poor adjustment outcomes. The model addresses how dyadic processes, such as the parent–youth relationship and youths’ information management, might contribute to discrepancies. We also consider coping processes that explain why discrepancies may predict increases in youth maladjustment. Based on this preliminary conceptual framework, we offer suggestions and future directions for researchers who encounter conflicting reports of community violence exposure and discuss why the proposed model is relevant to interventions for victimized youths.

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Notes

  1. Specifically, the literature on peer victimization often examines different types of victimization (e.g., physical, verbal, and relational), and may delineate overt (physical and verbal) forms of victimization from covert (relational) forms of victimization (Crick and Grotpeter 1996; Prinstein et al. 2001); much of this research has focused on victimization by peers and at school. Whereas threats to exact physical harm are often considered under the rubric of community violence (Guterman et al. 2000), neither verbal forms of victimization (e.g., being called names, taunted, or teased) nor relational forms of aggression (e.g., malicious gossip or organized social exclusion) are typically included on community violence exposure checklists. Furthermore, some aspects of maltreatment do not overlap with community violence measures. For example, emotional abuse and neglect are two forms of maltreatment which are not typically conceptualized as “victimization” by community violence measures (Vorrasi et al. 2005).

  2. As an illustration, Brennan et al. (2007) used IRT to empirically distinguish interpersonal violence from other forms of violence exposure, demonstrating that a victimization factor was comparable for parent and youth reports, with high correspondence (r = 0.72) for informants’ reports of victimization. As mentioned previously, such a large correlation can be identified between informants’ reports and the informants might nonetheless disagree if both informants differ systematically in the same general direction (e.g., youth consistently reports four times more experiences relative to parents).

  3. Using IRT, Brennan et al. (2007) found that violence exposure could be distinguished along three dimensions: victimization (direct exposure), witnessed violence (secondary exposure), and hearing about violence (tertiary exposure). In this case, victimization is a single factor. Application of item response theory in this case requires relatively large sample sizes that may not be feasible in certain contexts (e.g., clinic-referred samples).

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Acknowledgments

Support for this project comes from grants from the National Institute of Mental Health (T32 MH18834) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (K01CE001333-01).

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Correspondence to Kimberly L. Goodman.

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Goodman, K.L., De Los Reyes, A. & Bradshaw, C.P. Understanding and Using Informants’ Reporting Discrepancies of Youth Victimization: A Conceptual Model and Recommendations for Research. Clin Child Fam Psychol Rev 13, 366–383 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10567-010-0076-x

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