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Misunderstanding the “Nature” of Co-Management: A Geography of Regulatory Science and Indigenous Knowledges (IK)

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Abstract

Governments, NGOs, and natural scientists have increased research and policy-making collaborations with Indigenous peoples for governing natural resources, including official co-management regimes. However, there is continuing dissatisfaction with such collaborations, and calls for better communication and mutual learning to create more “adaptive” co-management regimes. This, however, requires that both Western and Indigenous knowledge systems be equal participants in the “co-production” of regulatory data. In this article, I examine the power dynamics of one co-management regulatory regime, conducting a multi-sited ethnography of the practices of researching and managing one transnational migratory species, greater white-fronted geese (Anser albifrons frontalis), who nest where Koyukon Athabascans in Alaska, USA, practice subsistence. Analyzing the ethnographic data through the literatures of critical geography, science studies and Indigenous Studies, I describe how the practice of researching for co-management can produce conflict. “Scaling” the data for the co-management regime can marginalize Indigenous understandings of human–environment relations. While Enlightenment-based practices in wildlife biology avoid “anthropomorphism,” Indigenous Studies describes identities that operate through non-modern, deeply imbricated human–nonhuman identities that do not separate “nature” and “society” in making knowledge. Thus, misunderstanding the “nature” of their collaborations causes biologists and managers to measure and research the system in ways that erase how subsistence-based Indigenous groups already “manage” wildlife: by living through their ethical commitments to their fellow beings. At the end of the article, I discuss how managers might learn from these ontological and epistemological differences to better “co-produce” data for co-management.

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Notes

  1. Although many refuge employees are trained in both biology and ecology, regulatory agencies hire “wildlife biologists.” For the sake of brevity and to reflect the actual job title, from here onward I will refer to “biologists,” even though their knowledges might include those derived from extensive studies in ecology.

  2. These are not all the trails that locals use, but indicative of the pattern of overland travel and knowledge of the landscape.

  3. I use the umbrella term “science studies” to refer to a broad literature cross-cutting the social sciences; see the review by Powell (2007).

  4. Data from this exchange comes from author fieldnotes as well as from transcripts of AMBCC meetings.

  5. The early Audubon society, a social movement composed of ladies against wearing hats with exotic plumage, headed the bird conservation movement that prompted the initial treaty. The series that make up the Migratory Bird Treaty include those made with Great Britain (1916), Mexico (1936), Japan (1972) and Russia (1978).

  6. I do not consider this to be a participatory-action research (PAR) project, but I did negotiate a research topic with tribal members and entered into an official research partnership agreement with the Huslia Tribal Council, offering my services as a grant writer, contributing to and organizing their tribal archive, and other volunteer work in exchange for the privilege of learning from them.

  7. This is in contrast to ‘birds of conservation concern’ as identified by the USFWS, which may or may not be hunted (USFWS 2002).

  8. Unattributed quotes come from agency personnel, interviews I conducted in 2003 and again 2005 with many of the same people; I have not included much detail about these people other than their quotes for concerns over anonymity. Many of the individuals I interviewed no longer occupy the current staff positions.

  9. While USFWS documents call it the Kaiyuh River (eg. Fischer 2006), Koyukon speakers note that this is not a river, but a slough—the name does not end in “-kuk,” meaning “river”—as in Koyukuk.

  10. Including using a 3-year running average for the population trajectory of white-fronts, used in the Mid-Continent Greater White-Fronted Geese Management Plan (USFWS 2005b).

  11. Many Koyukon told me of their disapproval of “bothering” animals because they positioned me as working for “game management;” I constantly identified myself as “a university researcher, I don’t work for fish and game.” But as my interest was in wildlife management, many desired to teach me what they felt was the correct way to treat animals.

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Acknowledgements

This research was funded in part by the Department of Geography, University of Minnesota, and generously supported by the National Science Foundation (OPP Grant No. 0425873). I also thank the Huslia Tribal Council and the larger community for their collaboration. Thanks also to staff at the Koyukuk/Nowitna NWR Complex for teaching me their research practices and for sharing their experiences working in a cross-cultural context. Much gratitude to the editors and to the three anonymous reviewers; the arguments in this article, however, are my own.

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Watson, A. Misunderstanding the “Nature” of Co-Management: A Geography of Regulatory Science and Indigenous Knowledges (IK). Environmental Management 52, 1085–1102 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-013-0111-z

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