Abstract
Despite the fact that policymakers often have a short-term horizon and prefer discretionary over rule-bound policy, one can observe policy reform with a focus on rules and long-term orientation. Sometimes reforms are driven by crisis, sometimes they are pursued in times of relative prosperity. The paper analyzes reform processes theoretically under the assumption of imperfect knowledge. After the introduction, the second section of the paper shows that rule-bound policy encourages a long-term orientation of policymakers, resulting in higher economic dynamics and growth as compared with discretionary policy. In the third section, the political economy of the reform process, i.e. replacing discretionary by more rule-bound policy, is analyzed in an evolutionary setting. The basic hypothesis is that a policy reform is triggered by three key factors: (1) a worsening economic situation, (2) increasing knowledge of policymakers and the public with respect to the effectiveness of policy paradigms and (3) external, in particular international support. In a fourth section, we present a case study. Finally, we draw conclusions.
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Notes
Note that it is crucial for the original Nordhaus concept that the public does not realize the routine in the government’s behavior. With rational expectations and full information, there will be no positive effect on the business cycle (see e.g., Nordhaus 1989). With rational expectations but without full information, the possibility of political business cycles returns (Rogoff and Sibert 1988).
For our purpose, the distinction between maximizing and satisfying behavior is not decisive. See Meier and Durrer (1992) for a careful discussion of the behavior of politicians within the framework of a cognitive image of man.
In contrast to standard analysis, one may also argue that preferences themselves also are subject to change. However, changes in preferences take a long time and are more difficult to model than information based learning, albeit using the same categories of effects.
Interest groups, whose members suffer from the policy, will certainly invest in counter-lobbying to change the policy. The worse their situation, the lower the opportunity cost of counter-lobbying (Becker 1983, 1985). However, it is not clear whether and if so when such activities lead to less discretion.
It is interesting to note that the credibility of policy changes is higher if the incumbent political party stands for a program different to the reform agenda (Cukierman and Tommasi 1998); in some countries, such as New Zealand, supply-side reforms have been undertaken by left wing (demand-side) governments.
Which effect is more likely, is left to empirical research.
An example of this is the history of exchange rate regimes, which we analyze more deeply in Section 4.
This process is not to be mixed with but may be accelerated by external shocks, which reallocate resources and power (Olson 1982). The reform process will certainly be speeded up. However, instead of being evolutionary, this is rather revolutionary.
See Mintrom and Vergari (1998) on the role of policy-networks for the diffusion of policy-innovations.
For a comprehensive analysis of the determinants of successful monetary reforms, see Freytag (2002).
See Freytag (2002).
See James (1996) for a comprehensive overview.
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This paper is part of a research project entitled “Economic Order and CBI in the Enlarged EMU,” the authors are conducting for the Otto–Wolff–Institute for Economic Policy, Cologne. In addition, the authors gratefully acknowledge very helpful comments by Jean-Pierre Allegret, Jonathan C. Borck, Uwe Cantner, Markus Pasche and three anonymous referees.
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Freytag, A., Renaud, S. From short-term to long-term orientation—political economy of the policy reform process. J Evol Econ 17, 433–449 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00191-006-0049-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s00191-006-0049-x
Keywords
- Evolutionary learning process
- Active learning
- Pathological learning
- Long-term orientation
- Rules
- Time-consistency
- Policy reform