Abstract
The chapter reviews work on a central topic in acquisition from the perspective of generative grammar: the Binding principles that dictate how pronouns and reflexives behave. The core issue is the “Pronoun Interpretation Problem (PIP)”: do children actually know Principle B of binding and their knowledge is masked in performance, or is there a real problem with pronoun interpretation that may require integrating syntax and pragmatics? Hamann provides a summary of recent theoretical and empirical work on binding that makes it clear that there is more involved in interpretation of pronouns than the simple binding principles. The cross –linguistic asymmetries are reviewed, since pronominal clitics in Romance languages are found to be better understood than non-clitic pronouns, but not in the case of clitic climbing (ECM) environments. Yet recent results on successful performance of children acquiring German belie any simple account of the PIP. Various theorists have proposed coreference rules that require consideration of pragmatics in one way or another, and the interaction of the principles with discourse antecedents. Others stress the possibility of an underspecification of the features of the pronoun in acquisition. Recent work considering the roles of referentiality and topic-hood is explored.
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Notes
- 1.
de Villiers et al. (2006) point to a principled problem inherent in the fexibility: whenever constraints are added to accommodate data this demonstrates a certain arbitrariness of the approach, see the ease with which Hendriks and Spenader (2006) change Fischer’s (2004) theoretically motivated constraint system in order to make it predictive of child data.
- 2.
- 3.
This is usually defined as the minimal category containing x, a governor of x and a SUBJECT (accessible to x).
- 4.
See Chomsky (1981) and many others for arguments that these two types of coindexations do not have the same properties.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
This is the account that Hestvik and Philip (1999) also offer for Norwegian since Norwegian pronouns move like clitics at LF.
- 8.
Note that this deictic guise or interpretation of the pronoun always involves pointing and is radically different from what Conroy et al. call the deictic interpretation of a pronoun.
- 9.
See also Gualmini and Meroni (2009), who suggest that the difficulty can be located in accommodating a “Question under discussion” for the derivation of an underinformative implicature.
- 10.
In one of the stories Bill, Mary and Jane want to draw somebody. They get paper and crayons and then Bill draws Mary and Mary draws Bill. The story ends with the sentences: “Nobody drew Jane. So Jane drew her”. Here the following problem may arise: If nobody drew Jane, then a child may find it confusing that Jane drew her – nobody did. The problem is that the quantifier in the intended interpretation ranges only over the two protagonists mentioned in the last part of the story. The child might interpret it as ranging over all the protagonists including Jane.
- 11.
Note here, that under a strict reading of Heim (1993), guise creation is not the crucial point in (11a), so that the criticism may be valid for Thornton and Wexler’s (1999) version but does not touch the original account. Note also that, Avrutin (1994, 1999) and Hamann (1997, 2002) may escape the criticism because they do not assume that children will always be able to create the guises required in complicated contexts, they refer specifically to the simple possibility of deictic anchoring which can provide the guise for the pronoun. Such non-adult deictic anchorage is evident in other areas of child speech as well, e.g. tense.
- 12.
A careful discussion of the problems of this experimental set-up can be found in Hamann (2002) who ran a control experiment showing that French children have no trouble in determining who can see whom in a mirror and do very well when there is a mirror and the simple Priniple B sentence (i). So it can be excluded that using mirror images added a conceptual difficulty for children. See also Coopmans and Philip (2000) and Baauw and Cuetos (2003) on this point.
- 13.
(i) La maman la voit.
The mom her sees
13 The possible exception are French subject clitics, for which different analyses have been proposed.
- 14.
Clitic chains show A-chain properties, see Rizzi (1986).
- 15.
-
(i)
Jean a mis le ballon derrière lui (*le)/ J’ai mis le ballon derrière moi (*me) John placed the ball behind HIM (*m)/ I put the ball behind ME (*me - clitic)
-
(ii)
Il y’avait sept linguistes dans la salle sans (*me) compter moi-meme
there were seven linguists in the class without counting (*me-clitic) myself.
-
(i)
- 16.
Such sentences show “clitic climbing” (reminiscent of Postal’s (1974) raise subject-to-object) because the object clitic from the lower clause climbs to the higher clause.
- 17.
Note that technical difficulties might arise since it must be explained how these [−R] elements can end up in high functional positions in the clause, establishing a chain with pro or trace in complement position.
- 18.
- 19.
Note that the assumption that coreference is not categorically excluded for clitics could also explain the results found by Zesiger et al. (2010): French children show better performance on reflexives than on clitic pronouns. The difference is not remarkable but significant and could represent the few cases where French children allow coreference.
- 20.
- 21.
Many seminar discussions on this point have shown that even adults have difficulties identifying the little bows the girl bears wear.
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Hamann, C. (2011). Binding and Coreference: Views from Child Language. In: de Villiers, J., Roeper, T. (eds) Handbook of Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition. Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics, vol 41. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1688-9_7
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