Abstract
The rise of China is a dominant theme in international politics. While factors such as demographics, geography or the skyrocketing Chinese Gross Domestic Product (GDP) have received persistent attention from researchers, this article points to a different and neglected aspect of China’s ascent: knowledge und technology. I argue that a truly comprehensive understanding of how China could (again) become a hub of world politics requires an historical exploration of the Chinese position within the global political economy of knowledge. Few authors have emphasized China’s blossoming technical and scientific capacities as a critical source of its growing influence (but see Lampton 2008). Their arguments strongly resonate with quantitative indices, which demonstrate the accelerating strengthening of China’s output of publications, basic research capacities, and scientific networks (Royal Society 2011). Recent research also points to the possibility that a number of emerging economies, including China, are transforming into genuine commercial innovation hubs (Altenburg et al. 2008; Ernst 2011; CGS-Forschungsgruppe Wissensmacht 2011). Already, the concern with “the race to the top” in research and technology permeates policy discourses all around the world. Due to the advent of the global “knowledge economy” (OECD 2010; cf. Moldaschl and Stehr 2010), the importance of innovativeness is poised to increase only further.
Thanks for support and precious comments to all members of the CGS-Forschungsgruppe Wissensmacht, Peer Schouten, Ruth Knoblich, Jared Sonnicksen, and the editors. All remaining errors are my own.
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Notes
- 1.
Due to space constraints this chapter cannot provide a comprehensive overview. For an excellent review see Fritsch (2011).
- 2.
This chapter built on concepts from IPE and thus remains a limited contribution to the ongoing conceptualization work. Constructivist and post-structuralist perspectives on knowledge and technology (see for instance Haas 1992; Litfin 1994; Mayer 2012; Miller 2007) are deliberately excluded from the analysis and will subsequently be dealt with elsewhere.
- 3.
Kennedy (1987) additionally points to the financial underpinning that might hamper a hegemon’s ability to preserve his innovation leadership and technological advantage over his rivals.
- 4.
Archibugi’s (2010) conclusion that the current IPR are in the interest of a small number of multinational enterprises, yet not necessarily conducive for the national economies as a whole, corresponds with earlier assertions that the accelerating development of technologies is a “prime cause of the shift in the state-market balance of power” (Strange 1996: 7). The balance of the global knowledge structures appears to increasingly tilt towards the big corporations at the expense of states. For others patents and copyrights are unnecessary for innovation to happen at all. See Boldrin and Levine (2008).
- 5.
For a discussion of the renaissance of Schumpeter’s ideas see Freeman (2003).
- 6.
- 7.
Once established, however, these industries become huge players that are inclined to slow down developments and sustain the existing structures.
- 8.
- 9.
This reductionist definition of “knowledge” certainly will not meet the consent of many scholars, but it resembles an umbrella concept for pragmatic use rather than a concise and exhaustive terminology.
- 10.
Joseph Needham’s work shows that for millennia Imperial China had been the world’s technological leader and many Chinese innovations in agriculture, defense, navigation, transport and power precede their European ‘rediscovery’ for centuries (Needham 1982).
- 11.
For a detailed account of the success and flaws of technology import and absorption policies in the 1980s see Shi (1998).
- 12.
Breznitz and Murphree (2011) illustrate this aspect in their study of the Chinese IT industry.
- 13.
The Bureau of Export Administration (1998: V) openly states that “[t]he transfer of advanced US technology is the price of market access in China for US high-tech companies.”
- 14.
Data derived from the WIPO under http://www.wipo.int/ipstats/en/statistics/patents/.
- 15.
For the restrictive US policy with respect to space technology see Guo (2006).
- 16.
For a critical analysis of the “Chineseness” of Chinese companies see Pan (2009).
- 17.
Chinese enterprises have acted perfectly rational because their strategy responds to the generally uncertain climate in China that prohibits risky long-term investments in innovation because laws for intellectual properties are absent, unclear, or loosely enforced (Breznitz and Murphree 2011: 13ff).
- 18.
The cooperation between universities and start-up firms, which is among the main engines of growth and innovation in the US, does not work fully efficient without clear and effective IPR either.
- 19.
The People’s Liberation Armey’s military technology usually is one or two decades behind its competitors (Cheung 2011). For the case of maritime technology see Kirchberger in this volume.
- 20.
The defense sector suffering from prolonged export bans from Europe, Japan, and the U.S. is the critical exemption in this regard.
- 21.
Chinese Internet firms possible could be among the first to change this pattern. See Economist (2011).
- 22.
A mixed NKS combines state and commercial funding of research and innovation, market dynamics and strategic national innovation policies. With respect to technology transfer dominant powers will rely on both regulation of IPR and secrecy. The diffusion of critical dual-use items could for instance be object to export restrictions.
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Mayer, M. (2012). Exploring China’s Rise as Knowledge Power. In: Fels, E., Kremer, JF., Kronenberg, K. (eds) Power in the 21st Century. Global Power Shift. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-25082-8_15
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