Abstract
This chapter aims at offering an interdisciplinary analytical overview of the literature on the notion of “linguistic justice” and more generally fairness in multilingual contexts. It focuses the biggest part of its attention on political philosophy, but it presents also several contributions from economics, sociolinguistics, interlinguistics, and law. The purpose of the text is not to assess the internal consistency of alternative (and often contrasting) theories nor to try to find a common ground among them. Its goal is to emphasize the policy recommendations that derive from different approaches.
This chapter is based on a research funded by Esperantic Studies Foundation (ESF), whose support is gratefully acknowledged, and supervised by Michele Gazzola and Bengt-Arne Wickström (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Germany), Mark Fettes (Simon Fraser University, Canada), Sabine Fiedler (Universität Leipzig, Germany), Goro Christoph Kimura (上智大学—Sophia University, Japan), and Renato Corsetti (Università Sapienza, Italy). See also Alcalde (2015b, c, 2016a).
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Notes
- 1.
It has to be noted that some multiculturalists, the so-called communitarians (e.g., Sandel), would not necessarily agree, because they understand the community as the subject of the analysis.
- 2.
For example, De Schutter (2007) speaks about the constitutive nature of the speakers (or linguistically embodied subjects) to characterize multiculturalism and the instrumental nature of the speakers to characterize liberal equalitarians. On another front, Archibugi (2005a, b, 2008), among others, argues that multiculturalism is concerned with a close relationship between language and identity, whereas liberal equalitarians (particularly in their cosmopolitan version) understand language mainly as means of communication.
- 3.
- 4.
- 5.
A relevant exception is Bjørhusdal (2016), who studies the case of Norway.
- 6.
- 7.
See Sect. 2.5 of this chapter for an explanation of the differences between the principle of territoriality and the principle of personality.
- 8.
- 9.
See, e.g., Ricento (2015), who presents a collection of (mainly) non-western case studies on developing countries, where English tends to increase wealth inequality, because it is related to more opportunities only for the local elite.
- 10.
- 11.
From a different perspective, other authors that have stressed that language diversity matters per se are Grin (2011) and Morales-Gálvez.
- 12.
Dasgupta (2017) suggests that minorities may be more open to assimilation if this includes measures to secularize or deracialize the public sphere, mitigating this way the ethno-religious or racial contestation.
- 13.
Even if he does not use the term linguistic justice, I believe his understanding of the term pluralism is close to the meaning of linguistic justice by authors such as Kymlicka.
- 14.
See the economics Sect. 3.3 of this chapter below.
- 15.
Most of these authors will be explained in depth in the following pages.
- 16.
“Language has special appeal”—he says—“because unlike religion or race, it is cumulative. You do not have to give up Somali to learn English, but you must give up Christianity to become a Muslim” (quoted in Gupta 2011: 20301).
- 17.
See Peled (2015) for a more developed concept of language repertoire.
- 18.
- 19.
For the idea of linguistic justice connected to EU-wide institutionalized social policy, see Van Parijs (2016).
- 20.
About superdiversity, see also Marácz (2014).
- 21.
This text is also known as the Pavia Group proposal. The Pavia Group is made up by a group of intellectuals, who aim at providing concrete solutions for linguistically heterogeneous polities such as Belgium or the European Union. The group is coordinated by Philippe van Parijs, and its name stems from the place where its members gather: Van Parijs’ house in the Pavia Street in Brussels. See www.paviagroup.be.
- 22.
In a book originally written in the form of nine philosophical dialogues, this author has studied extensively the possibility of using quotes in public policies dealing with linguistic diversity. See Stojanovic (2013).
- 23.
See Stojanovic (2008).
- 24.
Sinardet is a member of the Pavia Group, chaired by Van Parijs, who has developed several proposals to reform Belgium from an institutional point of view. One of these proposals includes the introduction of a federal electoral district to elect part of the federal representatives.
- 25.
Most likely this author is not aware of the sociolinguistics of Esperanto, such as the existence of Esperanto speakers.
- 26.
In his view, it is harder to defend an inequality-generating Pareto improvement in the case of symbolic status, such as language status, than in the case of (individual) well-being. To make his point, he uses the example of a situation in which Esperanto is the lingua franca and is the mother tongue of no particular people of the world. In that situation, it would make no sense to replace Esperanto by Flemish on the grounds that it would give the people in Flanders a special symbolic status and a unique pride, without changing anything to the status and lack of pride of any other people.
- 27.
According to the author, there are other (minor) aspects to consider. One is the fact that if Esperanto was chosen, the Esperanto community would take great pride. Fleurbaey says that this effect would be limited to the generation that defended Esperanto and by the possibility of creating another language more neutral than the one initiated by Zamenhof. Another one takes into consideration the interactions between native speakers and nonnative speakers of the lingua franca. Fleurbaey thinks that with an artificial language, inequalities in proficiency may be more reflective of unequal talents.
- 28.
“The fact that Zamenhof’s solution was unworkable should not prevent us from admiring its grandiose ambition, whereby a local problem was intended to provide the thrust for a universal language” (Archibugi 2005: 549). In this regard, Esther Schor (2015) argues that Zamenhof bridged the gap between liberal and communitarian political philosophy. Building from the classical typology by Tönnies between Gemeinschaft (i.e., community) and Gesellschaft (i.e., society) and from Mark Fettes’ observation that what Zamenhof had in mind was to create “Gemeinschaft on a global scale,” Shor analyzes Zamenhof’s project in terms of creating an ethical community by choice, as individuals of conscience. This would entail a liberal element, as long as he situated Esperanto within the realm of human rights, something the whole movement has embraced. But also a communitarian one, captured by the so-called inner idea of his international neutral language, which has given Esperantists a cosmopolitan collective identity. On Esperanto’s cosmopolitanism, see also Kim (1999), Nagai (2010), and Tonkin (2016).
- 29.
See also Lacey (2017).
- 30.
However, there are some exceptions. One of them is Brussels, which is part of Flanders. Another one is the 70,000 German speakers living in Wallonia, who are sometimes called the best protected language minority in the world (De Schutter 2011: 199 fn. 1). At least, until a future independence of Catalonia, this could officially recognize the 10,000 Occitan speakers in the Catalan region of Val d’Aran.
- 31.
A similar criticism can be found in Robichaud (2011).
- 32.
About the need of an interdisciplinary approach to linguistic justice analyses, see also Peled et al. (2014). Similar perspectives can be found in Tonkin (2015b) concerning the relationship between language and equality and in Agresti (2016) with regard to linguistic rights. For a practical application of political science methods into the study of language policy, see Cardinal and Sonntag (2015).
- 33.
In fact, Peled mentions as an example Van Parijs’ division between English in the global sphere and other languages which are “queen of their domain.”
- 34.
In the fourth section of this chapter, we will present several principles by Bastardas (2002), which are worth exploring in this regard, and particularly his notion of subsidiarity.
- 35.
- 36.
These are: Unequal attributes of different languages, unequal privileges granted to the users of different languages, unequal linguistic skills of different persons, unequal statuses conferred on different persons by linguistic rules and customs, and inequalities co-varying with language but not caused by language. I present them with some detail in the section on esperantology, taking advantage of an article by Mark Fettes, who analyzes each of them from the point of view of the Esperanto community.
- 37.
Partially inspired by this approach, Alcalde (2015a) explores the possibility of applying the notion of linguistic justice from a public policy perspective to historical phenomena, such as the League of Nations. He also shows that several of the main elements of contemporary debates, such as the idea of parity of esteem, were already present during the negotiation of the linguistic regime of the League of Nations, which took place at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Another historical application of linguistic justice is Sujoldžić (2016). See also Nitobe (1998).
- 38.
The notion of linguistic imperialism does not always relate to the English language. See, e.g., Moreno Cabrera (2015) for an analysis of the Spanish linguistic imperialism. See also Comellas (2006). For an empirical application of linguistic imperialism, see Philipson (2016).
- 39.
For an application of this principle together with the principle of personality, see Alcalde (2016b).
- 40.
However, a recent study has shown that differences between multilingual and lingua franca language regimes in Southern Asian countries could also depend on state traditions. See Lui (2015).
- 41.
For a similar approach, see Gobbo and Alcalde (2016).
- 42.
In Pupavac’s view, such governance could change the character of indigenous communities and indigenous languages. See below Sect. 6.2 on critical legal studies.
- 43.
See also Gordin (2015) for the international role that other languages have played historically in science, such as Russian or planned languages including Esperanto and Ido.
- 44.
See Fiedler (2015) for a recent survey of the topic of planned languages in the current specialist literature.
- 45.
See also Gobbo (2016).
- 46.
On a side note, the question of the study related to the consistency judgment under uncertainty is adapted from one used by the seminal article on (psychological) framing effects (Tversky and Kahneman 1981: 453), which is the basis for the whole of today’s discipline of behavioral economics.
- 47.
About neutrality, Piron has a solid argument. Whereas lexically and historically, Esperanto is undoubtedly European (the concept of planned language has been developed in Europe while any a posteriori project seeking global recognition is obliged to base itself largely on Indo-European roots, whose native speakers make up approximately one-half of the world population), linguistically, this is counterbalanced by an a priori syntactic morphology, without analogy among Indo-European languages, and culturally by a universalistic ideological base.
- 48.
- 49.
Similarly, in a debate during the Nitobe seminar (see Fettes and Bolduc 1998), Tonkin argued that there is always a relationship between language and power, which is not necessarily a positive one. While Esperanto speakers are well aware of this and they should emphasize the point, they should also face criticisms. In this sense, if everybody spoke Esperanto, somebody would be making a profit out of it. Moreover, it is possible to practice linguistic discrimination using Esperanto, just as effectively as through the use of other languages. In other words, Esperanto grammar can be used in many different ways. Moreover, the Esperanto speech community is very effective in excluding those people who do not speak Esperanto. According to him, efforts should be made to make Esperanto and the Esperanto movement better known outside their own circles.
- 50.
On translation and linguistic justice, it is worth mentioning the recent collection Translation and Public Policy: Interdisciplinary Perspectives and Case Studies, by González Núñez and Meylaerts (2017).
- 51.
- 52.
For example, from a detailed historical and legal perspective, Arias and Wiley (2015) address the effects of language education legislation in the United States. They conclude that while it recognizes that children who speak languages other than English require special resources to follow instruction in English, this legislation has not established rights to promote minority languages in education.
- 53.
For a recent research on sign language rights in Canada, see Paul and Snoddon (2017).
- 54.
One example is Hotta (2012), with the appealing title “Linguistic Justice: A Linguistic Analysis of Deliberation,” which studies the deliberation in criminal trials in Japan.
- 55.
See Pupavac (2012: Chap. 2) for a discussion of the different generations of human rights and the tensions that exist between them.
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Alcalde, J. (2018). Linguistic Justice: An Interdisciplinary Overview of the Literature. In: Gazzola, M., Templin, T., Wickström, BA. (eds) Language Policy and Linguistic Justice. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75263-1_2
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