Abstract
Turkey has had seven referendums since 1961, originally for seeking popular consent for the new constitutions of 1961 and 1982. The last five referendums functioned as tools for promoting the political agenda of the ruling political parties and their leaders, as these parties and leaders seemed to have aimed at changing the rules of the political game while attempting to eliminate the challenges and resistance from the opposition. Although the 1987 and 1988 referendums failed to aid the governing parties, the last three referendums resulted in changing the regime of the country from democratic semi-parliamentarism to semi-presidentialism first (in 2007) and eventually to an unchecked authoritarian presidentialism. The outcome of the 16 April 2017 Referendum was determined by partisanship in a highly conflictual polarized political milieu, which occurred under the influence of emergency measures, curtailed opposition, scuppered media and produced a regime that resembled nothing less than neo-patrimonial sultanism.
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Notes
- 1.
‘Örtülü harcama patladı’, Sözcü, March 16, 2017, https://www.sozcu.com.tr/2017/ekonomi/ortulu-harcama-patladi-1737160/ and ‘Örtülü Harcamada Yine Rekor’, Birgün, https://www.birgun.net/haber-detay/ortulu-harcamada-yine-rekor-165001.html.
- 2.
- 3.
The emergency measures (OHAL) severely restricted criticism, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and the media–press freedom and thus rendered the opposition’s campaign almost impossible to be heard and followed by large swaths of the population. For a more thorough explanation of the dysfunctional influences of the OHAL on the integrity of the referendum see ‘Turkey referendum: Key reactions’ BBC, April 17, 2017, available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-39615403.
- 4.
For a comprehensive analysis of political legitimacy in the Turkish state, see Kalaycıoğlu (2005), Chapters 1 and 2.
- 5.
‘En büyük yapısal reform: Başkanlık’ (The greatest structural reform: Presidentialism) Hürriyet (daily), October 16, 2016, http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/ekonomi/en-buyuk-yapisal-reform-baskanlik-40250621.
- 6.
The mainstream media were forced by systematic pressure of AKP governments to change hands from their former proprietors to the cronies of the AKP government. State funds and bank credits by the state-owned banks, such as Ziraat Bank and Halk Bank were utilized to fund the takeover of the mainstream media from 2007 through to 2017. Eventually all of the major networks except for Fox TV and the Halk TV networks of the former mainstream media changed hands and became propaganda agencies of the AKP government, as did the Turkish Radio and Television (TRT). The Turkish elections surveys have indicated that most voters follow the TRT and some of the mainstream media for their political news and were thus exposed to ‘Yes’ campaign claims. These claims included such arguments that the ‘Yes’ vote would result in a form of Presidentialism that would bring more political stability, an end to the threat from violence, sustained and rapid economic growth and economic development, and a more representative form of government (see Bozdağ 2012; Balta 2015). At the time of writing, none of those claims had been substantiated by facts or any academic research in comparative politics.
- 7.
See: YSK. ‘Yurt İçi, Gümrük Kapısı Ve Yurt Dışı Sandıkları Anayasa Değişikliği Halkoylaması Sonuç Tutanağı’. Retrieved from: http://www.ysk.gov.tr/ysk/content/conn/YSKUCM/path/Contribution%20Folders/SecmenIslemleri/Secimler/2017HO/2017HO-Ornek135.pdf.
- 8.
- 9.
For a full report on the perceptions of the 2017 referendum in Europe see: https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/turkey/324816; see BBC (2017).
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Kalaycıoğlu, E., Kocapınar, G. (2021). Turkey’s Constitutional Referendum: The 16 April 2017 Referendum in Historical Perspective. In: Smith, J. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of European Referendums . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55803-1_19
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