Baking as Cultural Heritage: Regional Variation in the Roman Production of Bread

Benton, Jared T.

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-46604-6_2

Jared T. Benton²

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1 Citations
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Abstract

Food is at its heart a form of cultural heritage and ways of making and eating it are often passed down from one generation to another. Moreover, bread, its production, and its consumption are frequently imbued with symbolism and entangled in belief systems and identities. This chapter begins with an analysis of domestic bread production that is grounded in kinship and cultural units, such as tannūr-style ovens in North Africa and Spain, or clay-chamber ovens in central Europe. Following the second century BCE, ovens across the western Mediterranean homogenize, moving toward the familiar domed, masonry ovens. But there are also indications that local traditions continued to inform the baking process, such as the use of clay ovens in Roman forts on the limes or the continued use of tannūr-style ovens in parts of North Africa.

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Notes

1.
Bustamante et al. (2014, 14–17) and Maune, Monteix, and Poux (2013, 9–26).
2.
Woolf (2004), Oltean (2008), Sinner (2015) and Haeussler (2016).
3.
Delgado and Ferrer (2007).
4.
Hoyos (2010, 110).
5.
Sparkes (1981, pl. 4).
6.
Khanoussi et al. (2004, 55).
7.
Samuel (1999).
8.
Hodgson et al. (2014) and Amorós Ruiz and Fili (2019, 285).
9.
Pasqualone (2018, 15–17).
10.
Khanoussi et al. (2004, 55) and Fantar (1985, 155–156).
11.
Sparkes (1981, 175–76), Bartoloni (1987, 243–244, fig. 12) and Bartoloni (1990, 62, 78, fig. 11) and Campanella (2009, 469–98).
12.
Helas et al. (2011, 98–102), Russenberger (2016, 235–36) and Docter (2019, 447).
13.
Gener Basallote et al. (2014: 30–31) and Docter (2019, 446–447).
14.
Wefers (2011, 70).
15.
Morel (2001).
16.
Williams-Thorpe and Thorpe (1990).
17.
Woolf (2004, 191).
18.
Pliny Nat. Hist. XVIII.12.
19.
Maune, Monteix and Poux (2013).
20.
This reconstruction of a Bronze-Age clay oven, from what is referred to as the Ottomány culture, was in a small house in a fortified settt near NižnÁ Myšľa in eastern Slovakia. Similar morphologies are evident throughout central and western Europe. Olexa (2003).
21.
Währen (1996, 11).
22.
Währen (1996, 12).
23.
Währen (2002, 392).
24.
Almeida et al. (1981, Est. III, p. 4), Almeida (1982), Sørensen (1999, 161–65) and Währen (2002, 393–97).
25.
González-Ruibal (2006, 15). Two deliberate deposits of animal remains were found under an oven at Ulm, including an entire calf directly below the oven deposit, further indicating that baking and ovens probably had some ritual connotations. Pressmar (1979, 21–23).
26.
Dedet (1990, 41). “Dans toute cette partie de la salle, les grains de céréales carbonisés sont nombreux, dispersés mais avec une densité maximale dans la moitié ouest de la zone absidiale, qui est aussi la plus riche en fragments de contenants en matière légère et en poterie. Prend place également dans cette région de l’habitation une concentration de grains et de charbons de bois d’une vingtaine de centimètres de diamètre sur 2 ou 3 cm d’épaisseur (fig. 3, n° 6).”
27.
Chabot (1978): L. Chabot, Découverte de fours à pain en pisé dans les oppida de la Tène III de la périphérie de l’étang de Berre, B.-du-Rh., CCSAP, 6, 1978, 1–17.Py (1990, 668). “Rappelons enfin que les structures de cuisson comprennent aussi, au IIe Age du Fer, des fours à usage très probablement culinaire (fours à pain, à galette ou autre). Un type particulier est constitué par des fosses arrondies tapissées d’argile, dan s lesquelles la braise était déposée, et qui étaient parfois sans doute recouvertes d’un dôme de torchis. Un deuxième type correspond aux fours à sole mobile percée, attestés du BFIIIb au IVe s., et pour lesquels une utilisation culinaire est envisa geable170. Les fours à base plane (sole d’argile à même le sol recouverte d’une calotte en dôme) sont attestés en place aux IVe-IIe s.” Sa Caleta: Ramon Torres (2007: 132, 165, 176, 187, 205–206).
28.
Py (1990, 436).
29.
Wefers (2011, 70).
30.
Wefers (2011).
31.
Curtis (2001, 282).
32.
Frankel (2003).
33.
Bouloumié (1972) and Potter (1976).
34.
Sparkes (1962, 127) and Tsoukala (2009, 388).
35.
Cahill (2002, 248) and Bonias and Perreault (2002, 110–111, fig. 1, pl. 2).
36.
Bouloumié (1978).
37.
Cubberly et al. (1988, 101).
38.
Walthall et al. (2018, 8).
39.
Lucore 2015, 93.
40.
Riediker-Liechti (2016, 9–10).
41.
Tsakirgis (1984, 51).
42.
Tréziny and Mège (2018, 264–266) (Megara Hyblaea 7).
43.
Rossetto (1973), Brandt (1993, 14–15), Curtis (2001, 358–60); Petersen (2006, 87–88).
44.
Pliny the Elder Nat. Hist. XVIII, 107–8.
45.
Plautus, Asinaria, I.200.
46.
CIL X 3779, dated to 106 BC by Boak (1916, 28).
47.
Fujisawa (1995, 175); “in pistrino pisetur”, Varro, De Re Rustica, 1.63.
48.
Pliny the Elder Nat. Hist. XVIII.28.
49.
Mayeske (1972, 82–136).
50.
Mayeske attempts to address commercial versus domestic production by dividing bakeries according to their relationship with domestic spaces, bakeries linked with large houses or bakeries with no domestic space. The critique of this sort of analysis (Wallace-Hadrill 1994) has been that any space could be considered domestic and that it emphasizes elite particaption in commercial activity over the contributions of the entire workgroup.
51.
Monteix (2016, 154–69).
52.
Peacock (1989).
53.
Monteix (2016, 234 fig. 7.7).
54.
Monteix (2016, 161–64).
55.
Maiuri (1958, 451–61), Deiss (1989, 122–24); Wallace-Hadrill (2011, 275–77) and Guidobaldi et al. (2012, 183–9).
56.
Monteix (2010, 255–288).
57.
Maiuri (1958, fig. 410).
58.
Coates-Stephens (2006).
59.
Gaius, Institutiones, 1.34; FV 233; Dig. 3.4.1–3.4.1.3 (Gaius); FV 235; HA Aurelianus 35.1.
60.
Kirschenbaum (1987, 99).
61.
There is sporadic evidence, such as millstones found in a building below the Capitoline near the Teatro Marcello southwest of via delle Tre Pile (Muñoz and Colini 1930, 53–4; Lugli 1940, 7; Muñoz 1943, 10; Colini 1998, 130–3, 143–4) and millstone floor found on slopes of the Palatine, which might suggest a water mill was present (Wilson 2003). Coates-Stephens identified millstones outside the Porta Maggiore dating to the first century BCE.
62.
Bakker (1999, 60).
63.
Marquardt (1886, 423), Tengström (1974, 76–77), Sirks (1991, 307), Wacke (1992, 648) and Erdkamp (2005, 253–54).
64.
Fentress and Bodel (2003, 72–78).
65.
Amraoui (2017).
66.
Antonelli (2010) and De Vos et al. (2011, 142–44).
67.
Leschi (1953, 260).
68.
Allais (1954, 352).
69.
Ballu (1909, 77) and Amraoui (2017, 113–114).
70.
Gsell (1918, 90).
71.
Amraoui (2017, 200–201).
72.
120 CIL VIII, 16921 = ILAlg, l, 579.
121 C/L VIII, 24678 = AE 1896, 83 L(ucius) Atilius L(uci) l(ibertus) Hiero furnari(us) / Valeria |(mulieris) l(iberta) Euterpefurnaria / vivit / C(aius) Valerius C(ai) l(ibertus) Dionisius(!) triari(us) / vivit
CIL VIII, 22944 = AE 1903, 238 = AE
1903, 258. D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum) / L(ucius) Calpurnius / Furnarius vixit / annis LX et bene / vixit et ad funus / eius erogati |(denarii) C
73.
Wilson (2002, 15) and Lepelley (1981, 499–500).
74.
Amraoui (2017, 201).
75.
Leduc (2008, 2011).
76.
Leduc (2008, 488–94).
77.
Benton (2020).
78.
Es-Sadra (2010, 598).
79.
Zehnacker and Halier (1964, 392).
80.
Alaioud (2010, 577–81).
81.
Alaioud (2010, 577).
82.
Alaioud (2010, 580–81); THOUVENOT, Une colonie romaine, cit., p. 21–23; R. THOUVENOT, A. LUQUET, Le quartier sud-ouest, «PSAM», XI, 1954, p. 71–72.
83.
Thouvenot (1954, 72).
84.
Ponsich (1974, 1979: 70 Pl. XVI). Bigi (2019); Similar connections have been isolated by Hassini (2008, 431).
85.
Bustamante et al. (2014, 39–41 fig. 24).
86.
Caballos Rufino et al. (1999, 70), Caballos Rufino (2010, 90 fig. 7.7) and Bustamante et al. (2014, 39–41 fig. 23).
87.
Bustamante et al. (2014, 38–39 fig. 22).
88.
Bustamante et al. (2014, 43–44 fig. 27).
89.
Mauné et al. (2013).
90.
Penn (1958).
91.
Adams (2005).
92.
Mauné et al. (2013, 147 fig. 154).
93.
In Narbonne, the oven of the Vautubiere at Codoux (Bouchesdu- Rhone) has a diameter of 1.70 m (Bouet 1992, 252) and that of the villa of Labassan (Gard) is 1.80 m in diameter (Buffat 2011, 140). An early second-century oven at Toulon with 2 m (fragment) (Brun 1999, 794).
94.
Peacock (1980, 1986), Thorpe (1988), Thorpe and Thorpe (1990, 1993), Antonelli et al. (2000, 2001), Renzulli et al. (2002) and Antonelli and Lazzarini (2010).
95.
Jaccottey and Longepierre (2011).
96.
Reusch (1970, 49–51).
97.
Sărăţeanu-Müller (2011).
98.
Sărăţeanu-Müller (2011, 312).
99.
Ammann and Schwarz (2011, 317).
100.
Berger (1977, 29).
101.
Ammann and Schwarz (2011, 275–318).
102.
Ammann and Schwarz (2011, 394–396).
103.
The idea that the presence of the Roman army dictated the nature of the local economy in liminal provinces is an old one, best expressed by Keith Hopkins (1980) who argued that areas in which legions were stationed relied heavily on soldiers’ pay to fuel their economy.
104.
Reusch (1970) identifies a cavity found in the palace as a tannūr-style oven of the sort found Tunisia, which is possible in a multicultural, large urban center such as Trier, especially in an Imperial court. But this identification is grounded in only partially preserved remains and has no parallel in Trier or in other Imperial palaces more generally.
105.
M. Liberius Victor CIL XIII 8725 NEGOTIATOR FRVMENTARIVS.
106.
Tertinius Secundus CIL XIII 8338 NEG PISTORICIVS.
107.
Verboeven (2007, 10). “Pourtant, dans le cas de negotiatores producteurs, ce n’est sans doute pas la production en soi qui leur confère la qualité de negotiator, mais le fait qu’ils ont investi leur argent dans une entreprise dont ils commercialisaient ensuite les produits.”

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Jared T. Benton

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Benton, J.T. (2020). Baking as Cultural Heritage: Regional Variation in the Roman Production of Bread. In: The Bread Makers. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46604-6_2

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46604-6_2
Published: 15 December 2020
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