Abstract
This chapter is subdivided chronologically into periods that correspond to changes in educational system, aims, and ideals: c. 500–750, c. 750–1100, c. 1100–1200, and c. 1200–1500. To the extent it is possible, Latin and lay education (in its geographical and professional diversity) are distinguished, but the scarcity of sources for lay teaching causes the Latin (first quadrivial, later broader universitarian) type to preponderate in the exposition.
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Notes
- 1.
A detailed investigation (which also makes clear the absence of every kind of mathematical studies) is Riché 1976.
- 2.
This group of disciplines and the collective name used about it since Boethius are the closest we can get to a unified concept of mathematics in the Medieval Latin school tradition at least until the thirteenth century; only Aristotelian philosophy brought in the notion of “more physical” mathematical disciplines (which beyond astronomy included optics and the science of weights). However, when asking about mathematics education – a modern concept – we shall need to include also mathematical activities falling outside the quadrivial framework, such as practical computation. Unfortunately, the sources are mostly mute on this account.
- 3.
The ways the problem was confronted from the beginning until the early eighth century is accounted for in Jones 1943, pp. 1–114.
- 4.
- 5.
This picture is confirmed by the Manual for My Son written by the mid-ninth-century noblewoman Dhuoda. When speaking about sacred numerology, in Augustinian style, she tacitly assumes the son to understand basic computation (and shows that she does so herself) (Riché 1975, pp. 326–334).
- 6.
Edition and German translation in Folkerts and Gericke (1993).
- 7.
A ratio was not understood as the number resulting from a division but as a relation between two numbers; it might be multiplex (of type m:1), superparticular (of type m + 1:n), multiplex superparticular (mn + 1:n), superpartient (n + p : n), multiplex superpartient (of type mn + p :n) or inverses of any of these. Depending on the numbers involved, ratios had specific names – 5 : 2 (and 10 : 4, etc.), for instance, were “duplex sesquialter”.
- 8.
See Bergmann 1985 (to be used with some care).
- 9.
Since the slave trade route to Muslim Spain passed through Lotharingia, Gerbert’s stay in Catalonia was not the only numerate cultural contact at hand. Thompson (1929) lists a number of further contact on the courtly and literate levels. Since the names given to the nine figures seem to be of mixed Magyar-Arabic-Latin-German origin (Köppen 1892, p. 45), the slave traders could be the most likely inspiration.
- 10.
Arno Borst claims in his fundamental study (1986) that the game can be traced back to c. 1030 and no further. However, Walther von Speyer’s Libellus scolasticus (ed. trans. Vossen 1962, p. 41, pp. 52ff) clearly speaks of a very similar game played around 970 (without indicating the name, which may indeed be later) on the abacus board and using its counters. Borst dismisses this testimony, asserting that Walther does not understand what he is speaking about, and Vossen because he does not know that the abacus board belonged with geometry.
The didactical use of the game was discussed by Gillian R. Evans (1976). A recent discussion of the game and its survival is Moyer (2001). A short presentation of the way the game was played is in Beaujouan (1972, pp. 644–650).
- 11.
The existence of a Geometria Gerberti decides nothing, since it may well be a compilation from the later eleventh century.
- 12.
Known by him from one of Boethius’s treatises on Aristotelian logic, even though it is amply used by the agrimensors.
- 13.
Uta Lindgren (1976, pp. 48–59) discusses some of them in detail and comes substantially to the same result.
- 14.
An analysis of this part of the treatise and its inspiration from ancient philosophical sources is in Tannery (1922, pp. 208–210). Tannery rejects Hugue’s authorship as probably a thirteenth-century reconstruction (pp. 319–321), but better editions of the texts on which his arguments are based turn the conclusion upside-down – cf. also Baron (1955).
- 15.
Abelard, Historia calamitatum (ed. Muckle 1950).
- 16.
The medical schools of Salerno and Montpellier were older but only came to be characterized as “universities” at a moment when this term had acquired new meanings.
The whole process by which the universities emerged is much too complex to be treated justly in the present context. A recent fairly detailed description is Pedersen (1998, pp. 138–188).
- 17.
trans. Thorndike 1944, pp. 27–30.
- 18.
Now available in critical edition (Busard 2005).
- 19.
Cf. the discussion in Murdoch (1968).
- 20.
More information on mathematics teaching at medieval universities (despite various imprecisions) in the first chapter of Schöner (1994).
- 21.
Rhetorica antiqua (ed. Rockinger 1863, p. 173). In any case, since notarial documents were written in Latin, merchants needed to understand the rudiments of that language.
- 22.
The “abbacus” is not, as one might believe, the calculation board; the word (mostly in this spelling) had come to designate practical mathematics – thus already in Leonardo Fibonacci’s Liber abbaci.
- 23.
In Fiesole outside Florence, in the relatively benign years 1621–1626, 20 % died with the first year of life; later in the century, this rate doubled, with peaks above 50 % (Cipolla 1993, p. 221).
- 24.
Recent discussions of the social history of this institution are Ulivi (2002a) and (dealing particularly with Florence) Ulivi (2002b).
Contrary to what is often claimed (also repeatedly by Ulivi), the abbacus school does not descend from Fibonacci’s Liber abbaci – cf. Høyrup (2005). There is some (mostly indirect) evidence that the Italian tradition (as already Fibonacci) was inspired from what went on in the Iberian region, but we have no information of how teaching was organized there before the fifteenth century.
- 25.
Shelby (1970) reaches similar conclusions concerning late medieval English masons.
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Høyrup, J. (2014). Mathematics Education in the European Middle Ages. In: Karp, A., Schubring, G. (eds) Handbook on the History of Mathematics Education. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9155-2_6
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