Abstract
When William Butler Yeats thought of Keats, he imagined a Cockney schoolboy, ‘nose pressed to a sweet-shop window’.2 In his poem, ‘Ego Dominus Tuus’ (1917), Keats is the ‘coarse-bred son of a livery-stable keeper’, shut out due to his class and non-university education from ‘all the luxury of the world’, who peers longingly in at the shop window.3 Yeats’s Keats stops short, however, of smashing the glass. The situation in London was very different during a furious week in August 2011, when unrest spread through the capital and into the Midlands. The critic and restaurateur A. A. Gill dismissed the riots — some commentators prefer ‘uprising’ — as a ‘rant without reason’, a thoughtless ‘bonfire of consumer vanities’.4 In similar vein, Justin McGuirk labelled the disorder a ‘venting of consumer spleen’, which, he insisted, lacked ‘any articulated aims or ideology’.5 In a Channel 4 News interview, Paul Bagguley, researcher in the sociology of protest, remarked that ‘there used to be food riots in Britain’ — the summer’s disturbances, he added, were ‘like a consumer version of that’.6 Bagguley’s allusion to historical food riots, which we discussed in Chapters 1, 3 and 4, was perhaps more pertinent than he realized. It is worth pausing to remind ourselves that the first premises to be looted at the outbreak of the riots on 8 August was not a sportswear store, nor an electrical retailer, but the Clarence Convenience store in Hackney.
It is clear enough to me that this system [transplanting a crop] will finally prevail all over England. The ‘loyal,’ indeed, may be afraid to adopt it, lest it should contain something of ‘radicalism.’ Sap-headed fools! They will find something to do, I believe, soon, besides railing against radicals. We will din ‘radical’ and ‘national faith’ in their ears, till they shall dread the din as much as a dog does the sound of the bell that is tied to the whip … Radical means, belonging to the root; going to the root. And the main principle of this system (first taught by Tull) is that the root of the plant is to be fed by deep tillage while it is growing; and to do this we must have our wide distances. Our system of husbandry is happily illustrative of our system of politics. Our lines of movement are fair and straightforward. We destroy all weeds, which, like tax-eaters, do nothing but devour the sustenance that ought to feed the valuable plants. Our plants are all well fed; and our nations of Swedes and of cabbages present a happy uniformity of enjoyments and of bulk.
William Cobbett, Rural Rides (1830)1
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Notes and References
W. B. Yeats, ‘Ego Dominus Tuus,’ in W. B. Yeats (1984), Poems of W. B. Yeats: A New Selection, ed. A. Norman Jeffares (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan), pp. 236–9 (p. 238).
Tony Harrison, ‘Them & [uz],’ in Tony Harrison (2006), Selected Poems (London: Penguin; orig. pub. 1984), pp. 122–3 (p. 122).
Marjorie Levinson (1988), Keats’s Life of Allegory: The Origins of a Style (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), p. 121.
John Keats (1958), The Letters of John Keats, 1814–21, ed. Hyder Edward Rollins, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), vol. 2, p. 125.
On Robbins, see: Peter C. G. Isaac, ed. (1990), Six Centuries of the Provincial Book Trade (Winchester: St Paul’s Bibliographies), p. 157;
Frank Arthur Mumby and Ian Norrie (1974), Publishing and Bookselling, 5th edn (London: Jonathan Cape), p. 300; Collected Reports of the Jane Austen Society. Vol. 4: 1986–1995 (Overton: Jane Austen Society, 1997), p. 232.
There is a brief reference to this letter and St Giles’s Hill in Katherine M. R. Kenyon (1975), ‘Keats and the Ode to Autumn Walk,’ Keats-Shelley Memorial Bulletin, Rome, 26–7, pp. 15–18.
Helen Vendler (1983), The Odes of John Keats (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press), p. 244.
Nicholas Roe (1998), Keats and the Culture of Dissent (Oxford: Clarendon Press), pp. 253–67.
Jonathan Bate (2000), The Song of the Earth (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), p. 103.
On the use of oak for shipbuilding in Britain, see Paul Hatcher and Nick Battey (2011), Biological Diversity: Exploited and Exploiters (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell), p. 187. In the present day, parts of St Giles’s Hill are once again densely wooded (see St Giles Hill Winchester Neighbourhood Design Statement Revised (2011), produced by St Giles’s Hill Residents Association in cooperation with Winchester City Council www.winchester.gov.uk/General.asp?id=SX9452-A785D092&cat=5407 [date accessed 23 April 2014].
On the social and economic consequences of returning soldiers, see N. Gash (1978), ‘After Waterloo: British Society and the Legacy of the Napoleonic Wars,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28: 145–57.
For the impact of the 1815 Corn Law, see Donald Grove Barnes (1930), A History of English Corn Laws: From 1660–1846 (London: G. Routledge & Sons), pp. 117–84. Proposals for a second Bill were debated in Parliament during late 1818 and early 1819.
Adrian Randall (2006), Riotous Assemblies: Popular Protest in Hanoverian England (Oxford University Press), p. 91 n. 1.
N. E. Fox (1978), ‘The Spread of the Threshing Machine in Central Southern England,’ Agricultural History Review 26 (1978): 26–8.
The following history of the Winchester bushel is based on R. D. Connor (1987), The Weights and Measures of England (London: HMSO).
Richard Sheldon, Adrian Randall, Andrew Charlesworth and David Walsh (1996), ‘Popular Protest and the Persistence of Customary Corn Measures: Resistance to the Winchester Bushel in the English West,’ in Markets, Market Culture and Popular Protest, ed. Adrian Randall and Andrew Charlesworth (Liverpool University Press), pp. 25–45.
See also Randall, Riotous Assemblies, and John Bohstedt (2010), ‘“We’d Rather be Hanged than Starved”: The Politics of Provisions,’ in Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions, pp. 1–20.
Nicholas Roe (2012), John Keats: A New Life (London: Yale University Press), p. 344. For Keats’s brief account of the event, see Keats, The Letters of John Keats, 1814–21, ed. Rollins, vol. 2, p. 194.
B. Edwards, Historic Farmsteads and Landscape Character in Hampshire: Pilot Report for English Heritage www.english-heritage.org.uk/…/historic-farmsteads…/historicfarmsteadsandlandscapecharacterinhampshireintro stages12.pdf [date accessed: 23 April 2014], p. 19.
Water-meadows were created throughout the chalkland valleys of Wessex during the seventeenth century. Brayley and Britton note that Hampshire ‘is particularly famous for its water meadows; which are extremely productive, and, in general, well attended to’ (Beauties of England and Wales, p. 88). On the history of the Hampshire water-meadows, see Joseph Bettey, ‘The Development of Water Meadows on the Salisbury Avon, 1665–1690’ www.bahs.org.uk/51n2a3.pdf [date accessed: 23 April 2014].
William Langland (1982), Piers Plowman: An Edition of the C-Text, ed. Derek Pearsall (Berkeley: University of California Press), p. 90.
On Keats’s use of gleaning, see Andrew J. Bennett (1994), Keats, Narrative, and Audience: The Posthumous Life of Writing (Cambridge University Press), pp. 169–70,
and Andrew J. Bennett (1990), ‘The Politics of Gleaning in Keats’s “Ode to a Nightingale” and “To Autumn”,’ Keats-Shelley Journal 10: 34–8.
On the impact of anti-gleaning legislation, see Peter King (1989), ‘Gleaners, Farmers and the Failure of Legal Sanctions in England 1750–1850,’ Past & Present 125: 116–50.
On the representation of gleaning in Romantic literature, see Theresa Adams (2008), ‘Representing Rural Leisure: John Clare and the Politics of Popular Culture,’ Studies in Romanticism 47 (2008): 371–92 (p. 379);
Simon J. White (2007), Robert Bloomfield, Romanticism and the Poetry of Community (Aldershot: Ashgate), pp. 59–62, 116. See also the preface to a four-volume edition of early English texts, Nathan Drake, ed. (1811), The Gleaner: A Series of Periodical Essays, 4 vols (London: Suttaby, Evance, and Co., 1811), pp. i., iv.
Annabel M. Patterson (1979), ‘“How to load and … bend”: Syntax and Interpretation in Keats’s “To Autumn”,’ Proceedings of the Modern Language Association 94: 449–58 (p. 453).
William Keach was the first of several critics who have remarked on parallels between ‘To Autumn’ and the September instalment of the ‘Calendar of Nature’ (William Keach [1986], ‘Cockney Couplets: Keats and the Politics of Style,’ Studies in Romanticism 25: 182–96, esp. pp. 194–5). However, the possible influence of the July instalment has not been noted.
John Barrell (1980), The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730–1840 (Cambridge University Press).
On the ‘bread and blood’ riots, see James Alfred Peacock (1965), Bread or Blood: A Study of the Agrarian Riots in East Anglia in 1816 (London: Gollancz).
Karl Kroeber (1992), Retelling/Rereading: The Fate of Storytelling in Modern Times (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press), p. 29.
Ann Bermingham (1989), Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740–1860 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press), p. 142.
Roger Friedland and Deidre Boden (1994), ‘NowHere: An Introduction to Space, Time and Modernity,’ in NowHere: Space, Time and Modernity, ed. Friedland and Boden (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press), pp. 1–60.
Paul Muskett (1984), ‘The East Anglian Agrarian Riots of 1822,’ Agricultural History Review 32: 1–13 (p. 5).
Fiona Stafford (2010), Local Attachments: The Province of Poetry (Oxford University Press), p. 272.
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© 2014 Jayne Elisabeth Archer, Richard Marggraf Turley and Howard Thomas
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Archer, J.E., Turley, R.M., Thomas, H. (2014). Keats’s Ode ‘To Autumn’: Touching the Stubble-Plains. In: Food and the Literary Imagination. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137406378_6
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