Abstract
Since attaining independence, most Pacific island states have relied on Australia as a major source of foreign aid and development assistance. Pacific island nations such as Papua New Guinea (PNG), a former trust territory of Australia until 1975 and, more recently, East Timor and Solomon Islands have relied heavily upon Australia for aid funding and support. In turn, Australia has focused heavily on liberal notions of good governance as the pre-requisite for economic development and social and political stability in the Pacific island states.1 Despite this, until recently Australia’s policy position on development aid was largely centred on a ‘hands-off’ approach — provide aid funding to Pacific island states and allow their respective governments to formulate and adopt their own development agendas.2 The point was to avoid any suggestion that Australia was interfering in the internal affairs of these states or was seeking to establish itself as a neo-imperialist regional power.3
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Notes
This emphasis on liberal good governance was apparent in the regional development policies of the former Keating government in the mid-1990s and continues to this day. See Greg Fry and Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka (2008), ‘Political Legitimacy and State-Building Intervention in the Pacific’, in Greg Fry and Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka (eds), Intervention and State-building in the Pacific: The Legitimacy of Co-operative Intervention (Manchester: Manchester University Press): p. 14
William Sutherland (2000), ‘Global Imperatives and Economic Reform in the Pacific Island States’, Development and Change 31(2): pp. 459–80.
Elisa Wainwright (2003), Our Failing Neighbour: Australia and the Future of Solomon Islands (Canberra: Australian Strategic Policy Institute): p. 8. However, the Keating government did attempt to condition aid funding on compliance with Australian notions of good governance.
See Greg Fry (1994), ‘Climbing Back Unto the Map? The South Pacific Forum and the New Development Orthodoxy’, Journal of Pacific History 29(3): pp. 64–72.
This view is part of a broader international concern with state failure and the dangers posed by weak or failed states to Western security interests that emerged after 9/11. See David Chandler (2005), ‘Introduction: Peace Without Politics’, International Peacekeeping 12(3): pp. 307–21
Robert I. Rotberg (2002), ‘Failed States in a World of Terror’, Foreign Affairs 81(4): pp. 127–40.
The term ‘arc of instability’ is one that has been popularised by the Australian government and the media. For more on the concept and Australia’s interactions with the region see Dennis Rumley, Vivian Louis Forbes and Christopher Griffin (eds) (2006), Australia’s Arc of Instability: The Political and Cultural Dynamics of Regional Security (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer).
The idea that terrorists could use weak or failing states as bases is one that first gained prominence in the US after the September 11 terrorist attacks. See Commission on Weak States and US National Security (2004), On the Brink: Weak States and US National Security (Washington D.C.: Center for Global Development): p. 1.
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (2003), Advancing the National Interest: Australia’s Foreign and Trade Policy Whitepaper (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): p. 93.
Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka (2005), ‘Australian Foreign Policy and the RAMSI Intervention in Solomon Islands’, The Contemporary Pacific 17(2): p. 299.
Michael Wesley (2002), ‘Perspectives on Australian Foreign Policy, 2001’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 56(1): pp. 47–63.
Alexander Downer (26 June 2003), ‘Security in an Unstable World’ (Canberra: National Press Club), http://www.foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2003/030626_unstableworld.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
Alexander Downer (24 September 2003), ‘Speech to the United Nations General Assembly’ (New York: United Nations General Assembly), http://HYPERLINK “http://www.foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2003/030924_general_assembly_ny.html” www.foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2003/030924_general_assembly_ny.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
Alexander Downer (7 May 2002), ‘Advancing the National Interest: Australia’s Foreign Policy Challenge’ (Canberra: National Press Club), http://foreign-minister.gov.au/speeches/2002/020507_fa_whitepaper.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
See Alexander Downer (1 March 2001), ‘Australia — Meeting our International Challenges’ (Canberra: National Press Club), http://foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2001/010301_fa_npc.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
Australian Department of Defence (2000), Defence 2000: Our Future Defence Force (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): p. 15.
Australian Department of Defence (2005), Australia’s National Security: A Defence Update 2005 (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): p. 3.
Alexander Downer (22 August 2007), ‘Australian Foreign Policy Today and Tomorrow’ (Melbourne: Monash University), http://foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2007/070822_monash.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
Australian Department of Defence (2003), Australia’s National Security: A Defence Update 2003 (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): p. 9.
As Hameiri notes, the post-Cold War era has generally witnessed high levels of growth in the interest of policy makers and scholars with the issue of state failure. See Shahar Hameiri (2007), ‘Failed States or a Failed Paradigm? State Capacity and the Limits of Institutionalism’, Journal of International Relations and Development 10(2): p. 122.
The idea of re-organising and re-configuring state institutions and processes of governance bears some similarity to Power’s arguments regarding contemporary organisational responses to risk, a key element of which has been the rise of internal control systems that involve organisation or system-wide regulatory mechanisms and processes designed to manage risk. It is possible to view good governance as a form of internal control system of the state, providing regulatory frameworks and processes that manage a range of possible social, political, economic and security risks. See Power, The Risk Management of Everything, pp. 24–8 and Michael Power (2007), Organized Uncertainty: Designing a World of Risk Management (Oxford: Oxford University Press): pp. 34–65.
Susan M. Roberts, Sarah Wright and Phillip O’Neill (2007), ‘Good Governance in the Pacific? Ambivalence and Possibility’, Geoforum 38(5): p. 971 (italics in original).
Thomas G. Weiss (2000), ‘Governance, Good Governance and Global Governance: Conceptual and Actual Challenges’, Third World Quarterly 21(5): p. 795.
Elise Huffer (2005), ‘Governance, Corruption and Ethics in the Pacific’, The Contemporary Pacific 17(1): p. 118.
See Martin Doornbos (2001), ‘“Good Governance”: The Rise and Decline of a Policy Metaphor?’, Journal of Development Studies 37(6): pp. 93–108.
The broader nexus between the discourses of security and development is one that has recently received increasing scholarly attention. See Mark Duffield (2001), Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security (London: Zed Books).
Alexander Downer (11 July 2006), ‘40 Years of Australian Foreign Policy — Democracy, Liberalism and Australia’s National Interests’ (Adelaide: Flinders University), http://foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2006/060711_40years.html (accessed 30 November 2013).
AusAID (2000), Good Governance: Guiding Principles for Implementation (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): p. 3.
Francis Fukuyama (2004), State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press): pp. 26–7.
Shahar Hameiri (2007), ‘The Trouble with RAMSI: Reexamining the Roots of Conflict in Solomon Islands’, The Contemporary Pacific 19(2): p. 410.
Alexander Downer, quoted in Yaroslav Trofimov (28 July 2007), ‘Australia Takes Policeman’s Role in Strife-Ridden Island Nations’, Wall Street Journal Online, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB121720516864888693.html?mod=todays_us_page_one#articleTabs%3D article (accessed 31 July 2009).
Sinclair Dinnen, Abby McLeod and Gordon Peake (2006), ‘Police-Building in Weak States: Australian Approaches in Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands’, Civil Wars 8(2): pp. 87–108.
Shahar Hameiri (2008), ‘Risk Management, Neo-liberalism and the Securitisation of the Australian Aid Program’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 62(3): pp. 57–71.
Mark Beeson (2007), ‘The Declining Theoretical and Practical Utility of “Bandwagoning”: American Hegemony in the Age of Terror’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9(4): p. 627; Trofimov, ‘Australia Takes Policeman’s Role in Strife-Ridden Island Nations’.
Debra McDougall (2006), ‘New Interventions, Old Asymmetries: Australia and the Solomon Islands’, The New Critic 3, http://www.ias.uwa.edu.au/newcritic/three/newinterventions (accessed 30 November 2013).
See Beth K. Greener-Barcham and Manuhuia Barcham (2006), ‘Terrorism in the South Pacific? Thinking Critically about Approaches to Security in the Region’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 60(1): pp. 67–82.
See Hameiri, ‘The Trouble with RAMSI’, p. 425; Dinnen et al, ‘Police-building in Weak States’, p. 96. Also see Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka (2001), ‘Beyond Ethnicity: The Political Economy of the Guadalcanal Crisis in Solomon Islands’, State Society and Governance in Melanesia Project Discussion Paper 1/2001 (Canberra: Australian National University).
Sinclair Dinnen (2004), ‘Lending a Fist? Australia’s New Interventionism in the Southwest Pacific’, State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Project Discussion Paper 2004/5 (Canberra: Australia National University): p. 4.
Alexander Downer (8 January 2003), ‘Neighbours Cannot be Recolonised’, The Australian p. 11 Resolution: Global.
Shahar Hameiri (2009), ‘State Building or Crisis Management? The Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands and the Limits of State Transformation’, Third World Quarterly 30(1): pp. 35–52.
Michael Fullilove (March 2006), ‘The Testament of Solomons: RAMSI and International State-Building’ (Sydney: Lowy Institute for International Policy): p. 1.
Julien Barbara (2008), ‘Antipodean Statebuilding: The Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands and Australian Intervention in the South Pacific’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 2(2): p. 141.
Alex J. Bellamy and Paul D. Williams (2005), ‘Who’s Keeping the Peace? Regionalization and Contemporary Peace Operations’, International Security 29(4): p. 186.
Tim George (November 2007), ‘Message From the Special Coordinator’, RAMSI Brief, http://www.ramsi.org/files/ramsi_brief_final_v2.pdf (accessed 20 September 2008): p. 7 Resolution: Global.
RAMSI (November 2007), RAMSI Brief, http://www.ramsi.org/files/ramsi_brief_final_v2.pdf (accessed 20 September 2009): p. 11 Resolution: Global.
RAMSI (2013), ‘Ministry of Finance and Treasury Organisational Development’, http://www.ramsi.org/our-work/economic-governance/ministry-of-finance-organisational-development.html (accessed 2 December 2013).
Michael G. Morgan and Abby McLeod (2006), ‘Have We Failed Our Neighbour?’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 60(3): p. 420.
Allan Patience (2005), ‘The ECP and Australia’s Middle Power Ambitions’, State Society and Governance in Melanesia Project Discussion Paper 2005/4 (Canberra: Australian National University): p. 8.
It should be noted, however, that several commentators have discussed issues relating to the appropriateness of external institutions and liberal forms of governance in weak states on state building. See Sinclair Dinnen (2008), ‘Dilemmas of Intervention and the Building of State and Nation’, in Sinclair Dinnen and Stewart Firth (eds) Politics and State Building in Solomon Islands (Canberra: ANU E Press/Asia Pacific Press): p. 9.
This bears some similarity to Chesterman’s notion of state building through ‘benevolent autocracy’. See Simon Chesterman (2004), ‘Building Democracy Through Benevolent Autocracy: Consultation and Accountability in UN Transitional Administrations’, in Edward Newman and Roland Rich (eds), The UN Role in Promoting Democracy: Between Ideals and Reality (Tokyo: United Nations University Press): pp. 86–112
Simon Chesterman (2004), You, The People: The United Nations, Transitional Administration and State-Building (Oxford: Oxford University Press): pp. 126–53.
Australian Strategic Policy Institute (2004), Strengthening Our Neighbour: Australia and the Future of Papua New Guinea (Canberra: Australian Strategic Policy Institute): p. 8.
Geoff Dixon, Michael Gene and Neil Walter (March 2008), ‘Joint Review of the Enhanced Cooperation Program (ECP)’, http://aid.dfat.gov.au/Publications/Documents/ecp_final_report2008.pdf (accessed 3 December 2013): p. 15.
Patricia Karvelas (16 March 2004), ‘Downer, PNG at Odds Over PNG Immunity’, The Australian. Resolution: Global
Stewart Firth (2008), ‘The New Regionalism and its Contradictions’, in Greg Fry and Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka (eds), Intervention and State-Building in the Pacific: The Legitimacy of ‘Cooperative Intervention’ (Manchester: Manchester University Press): p. 208.
Rosita McDonald (2008), ‘Safety, Security and Accessible Justice: Participatory Approaches to Law and Justice Reform in Papua New Guinea’, Pacific Islands Policy 3 (Honolulu: East-West Center): p. 5.
Thaddeus Lin (2007), ‘Institutional Capacity and Cooperation for Policing Operations: The Australian Experience’, International Peacekeeping 14(5): p. 578.
David Chandler (2006), Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building (London: Pluto): p. 9.
Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (2013), Strong and Secure: A Strategy for Australia’s National Security (Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia): pp. 10–11.
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Clapton, W. (2014). Australia and the Management of Risk in the South Pacific. In: Risk and Hierarchy in International Society. Palgrave Studies in International Relations Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137396372_6
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