A discursive review of the textual use of ‘trapped’ in environmental migration studies: The conceptual birth and troubled teenage years of trapped populations

First mooted in 2011, the concept of Trapped Populations referring to people unable to move from environmentally high-risk areas broadened the study of human responses to environmental change. While a seemingly straightforward concept, the underlying discourses around the reasons for being ‘trapped’, and the language describing the concept have profound influences on the way in which policy and practice approaches the needs of populations at risk from environmental stresses and shocks. In this article, we apply a Critical Discourse Analysis to the academic literature on the subject to reveal some of the assumptions implicit within discussing ‘trapped’ populations. The analysis reveals a dominant school of thought that assisted migration, relocation, and resettlement in the face of climate change are potentially effective adaptation strategies along a gradient of migrant agency and governance. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s13280-017-1007-6) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.


Extract 2
• The complex interactions of drivers can lead to different outcomes, which include migration and displacement. In turn, these types of outcomes can pose more 'operational' challengesor more 'geopolitical' challenges. There are powerful linkages between them. Planned and well-managed migration (which poses operational challenges) can reduce the chance of later humanitarian emergencies and displacement.

•
Environmental change is equally likely to make migration less possible as more probable. This is because migration is expensive and requires forms of capital, yet populations who experience the impacts of environmental change may see a reduction in the very capital required to enable a move.

•
Consequently, in the decades ahead, millions of people will be unable to move awayfrom locations in which they are extremely vulnerable to environmental change. To the international community, this 'trapped' population is likely to represent just as important a policy concern as those who do migrate. Planned and well-managed migration can be one important solution for this population of concern.

Extract 3
Cities in low-income countries are a particular concern, and are faced with a 'double jeopardy' future.
Cities are likely to grow in size, partly because of rural-urban migration trends, whilst also being increasingly threatened by global environmental change. These future threats will add to existing fragilities, whilst new urban migrants are, and will continue to be, particularly vulnerable. Yet this report argues against trying to prevent rural-urban migration, as this could lead to graver outcomes for those who are trapped in vulnerable rural areas.

Extract 4
In summary, the key message of this report is that migration in the face of global environmental change may not be just part of the 'problem' but can also be part of the solution. In particular, planned and facilitated approaches to human migration can ease people out of situations of vulnerability. In light of this, international policy makers should consider the detailed evidence from this report in a range of areas, with the following of particular priority: 1. Many of the funding mechanisms for adaptation to environmental change are currently under discussion. It is imperative that these mechanisms are not developed in isolation from migration issues and, furthermore, that the transformational opportunities of migration is recognised.
2. Whilst the twin challenges of population growth and environmental change will pose an increasing threat to urban areas in the future, cities in many countries are already failing their citizens. Action is required before the situation becomes irreversible, to build urban infrastructure that is sustainable, flexible and inclusive.
The cost of inaction is likely to be higher than the costs of measures discussed in this report, especially if they reduce the likelihood of problematic displacement. Giving urgent policy attention to migration in the context of environmental change now will prevent a much worse and more costly situation in the future. (Foresight 2011:10) Extract 5 Proactively facilitated and managed migration should lead to improvements in each of the future scenarios, as it will reduce the chances of populations being trapped and/or being displaced in circumstances which raise wider geopolitical challenges. A proactive approach can also capitalise on and maximise the benefits from migration, building resilience and transforming adaptive capacity. environmental change leads to conflict 212 , it is clear that communities which are subject to increasing environmental variability and disruption are likely to become poorer. The important point is that poverty lessens their ability to respond in a planned and controlled way to threats, whether they be ecological, conflict related, economic or demographic (prevalence of disease). This includes planned migration, which is often an appropriate response to these threats, but likely to be curtailed by low capital (social, political or economic) and conflict.

Extract 11
As noted in section 9.3.6, the timing for actions relating to adaptation funding is important. The urgency of the issue in respect to cities requires particular emphasis. Whilst trends of global environmental change and population growth are likely to multiply the challenges faced by cities in the future, it is important to recognise that these challenges will add to existing fragilities. Many cities in low-income countries are already failing in important respects, and citizens, especially lowincome groups such as migrants, arealready extremely vulnerable. Future trends are set to exacerbate these challenges, and action is required before it is too late. (Foresight 2011:198-199) Extract 12 The analysis also highlights that low mobility is criticalthat populations may be,

Extract 14
However, without minimising the significance of the 'right to stay' even in places that are vulnerable to environmental extremes, it is also clear that ability to move is broadly correlated with wealth, level of capital (financial, human, social), the availability of places to move to, and fear of what would happen to property and assets left behind, so that broadly speaking, poorer people are generally less able to migrate even if they wish to do so. In turn, vulnerability to extreme environmental events is widely recognised to be inversely correlated with wealth, such that poorer people face a double risk: they are more vulnerable to disasters, but less able to move away from them. This lack of choice for vulnerable populations is recognised in both behavioural accounts of vulnerability and by the pressure-and-release structural models of vulnerability (see Wisner et al., 2004).

Extract 16
The Foresight report on Migration and Global Environmental Change shed light on two relatively understudied issues in the literature on climate change and migration. First, it emphasized the importance of studying the specificities of mountain areas in order to understand the nexus between environmental change and migration in those areas (Kollmair & Banerjee, 2011). Second, it showed that future environmental change is equally likely to lead to an increase or a decrease in migration flows. In this context, those who might be willing but unable to move ("trapped") will be extremely vulnerable (Foresight, 2011). However, the Foresight report did only refer to few empirical studies on trapped populations. This empirical article aims at presenting data and insights on four Guatemalan mountain communities whose populations are exposed to the risk of becoming "trapped" in the near future in a place where they are extremely vulnerable to climate change. In fact, in case of future natural disasters or climatic conditions which threaten the sustainability of local livelihoods, it is expected that migration will be vital for the survival of these populations.

Extract 17
The review above gives details of the changing hazardousness of Bangladesh; what we see is a decline in mortality over time but a continuation of substantial economic losses and in some cases a substantial threat to food supplies. What, then, are the related migratory effects? Have those parts of the population who have suffered from these disasters -and will no doubt suffer again in the futuresought to move away from the areas affected, or are they in some way ''immobile'' or ''trapped'' where they currently live (Foresight, 2011)? (Penning-Rowsell et al. 2013:S49)

Extract 18
For example, in the case of Bangladesh, we have the outliers of households that do not even need to migrate, as they are already well off, whereas there are other households in extreme poverty and vulnerability, for which migration is not even an option, as they lack the means to move and are forced to stay 'trapped' in situ.

Extract 19
In Vietnam, HHs that suffer from poverty and do not benefit from the economic boom are often left behind (trapped populations).

(Warner and Afifi 2014:7)
Extract 20 Migration is a major risk management/'coping strategy' to address unfavourable economic and unexpected environmental conditions, including the local implications of rainfall variability. Longer dry spells and frequent droughts are a 'very important' migration reason for 39% and 36% of HHs, respectively. Landless, low-skilled and poor HHs (depending on rain-fed agriculture for both their livelihoods and food security) are the most sensitive to rainfall variability. Also often trapped due to lack of resources.

Extract 21
The final profile of HHs includes those that have been described as 'trapped populations' in the literature: HHs that do not possess the assets necessary to migrate, even to cope with food insecurity, or who cannot access migration options. These are often landless or land scarce HHs in very poor areas. /…/ For trapped HHs or populations, repeated environmental shocks and stressors can continue to erode their asset base and increase their food and livelihood insecurity.
These outcomes cannot be understood simply as ex post challenges to governance systems. In the next section we develop a conceptual understanding of governance and then develop this insight to show how migration is constituted as a governance challenge by the effects of and interactions between five social and natural systems (economic, social, political, demographic, and environmental) that drive migration and also determine whether or not people move, as well as the scale, direction, and duration of movement.

Extract 24
Thus the resultant challenges may be more complex than first thought and hold important implications for SMPCs and for the EU. First, movement may be towards and not away from risk, particularly for economic reasons to large cities. Second, environmental change may interact with other factors to reduce the ability to migrate and can lead to situations where people are trapped in areas in which they are exposed to serious environmental risk.

Extract 25
Political upheaval has been a key migration driver in SMPCs. Conflicts such as the Gulf Wars and in Israel, Palestine, Libya, and Syria have all led to massive displacement. Conflict can also cause people to be trapped in areas rather than for them to be displaced, thus making conflict-related movements particularly unpredictable, dynamic, and hard to analyse. (Geddes 2015:481)

Extract 26
As border security increases and borders become less permeable, cross-border migration is becoming increasingly difficult, selective and dangerous. Growing numbers of people are becoming trapped in their own countries or in transit countries, or being forced to roam border areas, unable to access legal protection or basic social necessities.

Extract 27
Even if migrants' circumstances fall within legal protection frameworks, strict border controls mean they often cannot access protection and are trapped on the 'wrong side' of the border. /.../ There are many hotspots where concentrated groups of people become trapped due to border security -such as in northern France, north-west Turkey, northern Bangladesh and North Koreaoften congregating in informal 'migrant camps', with many similar scenarios worldwide.

Extract 28
These trapped migrants are vulnerable, exposed to the violations and abuses that are typical for those moving through countries irregularly, including: not having access to basic necessities; discrimination and abuse because of their foreign origin and irregular status; human trafficking (which exposes migrants to coercion,deception and physical andsexual abuse); dangerousor forced labour; and organtheft.

Extract 29
The transitory settlement of West Africans in Moroccan cities has led to noticeable changes in the appropriation and degradation of spaces and places in the absence of interventions by the Moroccan government to offer legal protection and institutional support for most of African immigrants, while Europe increases its measures to prevent them from entering. West African immigrants become trapped in this situation and most often experience hostility, racism and violence. (Sow et al. 2015:1)

Extract 30
To be 'trapped', individuals must not only lack the ability to move but also either want or need to move. The ability to migrate is clearly a complex and multifaceted indicator that includes a range of potentially relevant policies that may impede movement and access to significant resources.
(Black and Collyer 2014a:52) Extract 31 To be trapped, individuals must not only lack the ability to move but also either want or need to move. Ability to migrate is clearly a complex and multi-faceted indicator that includes access to significant resources or capitals and a range of potentially relevant policies that may impede movement.

Extract 32
A striking example is New Orleans at the time of Hurricane Katrina. Those with resources left in advance of the approaching hurricane; those with friends and family elsewhere, with whom they could go and stay, were also more likely to leave. Those without resources (largely the poor, African-American, elderly or residents without private cars) remained, trapped as the floodwaters rose. The dangers of the crisis were disproportionately faced by the most vulnerable. Where mobility brings benefits, trapped populations are further marginalised.
(Black and Collyer 2014a:54) Extract 33 It is not necessary for trapped individuals to have always remained in one place. Conditions that trap particular populations may arise at any stage in their migration process. Protracted refugee situations offer an obvious example of a partially mobile yet trapped population.

Extract 34
Thus individuals may need to move, and be offered an opportunity to do so, under particular conditions but still refuse to leave. Such individuals must still be considered as trapped.

Extract 35
There is only very limited research investigating the situation of those we have called "trapped" populations. Much of this has focused on immobility more broadly, rather than the specific difficulties of those trapped as a result of crisis situations. The additional consideration of "needing" to move introduced a specifically humanitarian focus to our understanding of "trapped".

Extract 36
Research into the situation of those who are trapped in complete immobility presents the greatest difficulties. The Foresight report considers their difficulties as largely economic. As the review of resource constraints in the previous section demonstrated, this can take many forms; constraints may not be directly financial and may include things such as access to geographically distant social networks.

Extract 37
While we have such limited information on trapped populations, the policy goal should be to avoid situations in which people are unable to move when they want to, not to promote policy that encourages them to move when they may not want to.

Extract 38
The most urgent issue is to identify how existing responses can reduce the likelihood of individuals being trapped in crisis situations. At present our understanding of the mechanics of trapped populations is too limited to suggest any clear policy measures to reduce their vulnerability or enable them to move when they feel they need to.

Extract 39
Another 'spatial perspective' in the debate of migration and environmental change is put forward by Black and Collyer (2014). The authors claim that today "trapped populations" do exist, people that -out of a lack of resources or other restrictions -are unable to move when confronted with an environmental shock situation.

Extract 41
In the Indonesian case people showed to be much more attached to their place of residence by feelings of belonging as well as belief-systems. Here the concept of mental thresholds as put forward by van der Velde and van Naerssen (2007b) seemed to be at work. Additionally, immobility and "trapped populations" stood out as a constitutional part of the nexus between environmental change and migration.

Extract 42
Households that cannot migrate: The third group includes trapped populations that struggle to survive under adversity and cannot easily use migration to adapt to the negative impacts of climatic events. They may have strong social ties and are emotionally attached to their resources which restrain them from moving even under adverse events. (Bhatta et al. 2015:14) Extract 43 The socio-economic, cultural and religious values in the region have resulted in its women and children being more vulnerable to adverse situations in comparison to men. These dynamics form the vicious cycles where women and their children get trapped. (Bhatta et al. 2015:15)