“In the broom closet”: exploring the role of online communities in shaping the identities of contemporary witchcraft practitioners

There are multiple lenses through which contemporary witchcraft practitioners are perceived in literature: self-identification; mainstream stereotyping; and counterculture. Contemporary witchcraft is a sociocultural phenomenon that has not received much attention outside of the disciplines of anthropology and sociology. Therefore, the individual views and experiences of self-identified practitioners have arguably been diluted within social research due to an emphasis on historical or group-based observations. With the aim of incorporating a psychological perspective into existing contemporary literature, the current study used semi-structured interviews to explore how practitioners personally engage with online communities to navigate the individual, social, and collective interpretations of their ‘witchcraft-related identity’. Using data from 16 participant interviews, it emerged that digitising witchcraft practices served two key roles in engaging with the practitioners’ identities by providing access to both group membership and interactive knowledge exchange. Positive and negative aspects of these experiences were discussed. Moreover, it was found that the relationship between online and face-to-face constructions of being ‘a witch’ was observably fluid, wherein digital practices could help practitioners compartmentalise their witchcraft-related identity to online spaces or, alternatively, enhance its in-person identity saliency. This investigation offers timely and novel insights into contemporary witchcraft by taking a psychological perspective that contributes to broader debates about the notion of identity and how this manifests in online communities.


Introduction
Witchcraft has seen a renaissance in the Western world in recent decades due to alternative aesthetics that have frequented popular culture and a boom in New Age interests such as occultism, mysticism, and parapsychology (e.g., Koch, 2015). However, there is ambiguity in what it means to identify as a 'witch' today (Berger, 2005). One perspective emphasises that modern witches work with "symbols, myth, and ritual to speak to the unconscious" (Neitz, 2009, p.353). A contrasting perspective maintains that contemporary witchcraft involves being 'one' with the natural and/ or metaphysical worlds and due to the numerous ways this can be individually expressed (spiritually, quasi-religiously, or culturally), pinning down an exact definition would be a superficial effort (Berger & Ezzy, 2009). Rather than attempt to do so, the following literature review will interpret this phenomenon through multiple lenses of identity theoryi.e., how practitioners view and express themselves, how societies differentiate and label modern witches, and the interaction between these two factors.
Situating the 'witchcraft-related identity' within a current context is challenging because the social discourses about witches have ebbed and flowed throughout history. To provide some historical context, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the practice of summoning evil spirits and demons-considered at the time to be 'witchcraft'-was made illegal in the UK and various Witchcraft Acts (1542; 1562; 1604) put hundreds of suspected practitioners on trial (UK Parliament, 2020). The most infamous of the so-called witch trials were those of the 'Pendle witches' in 1612, which saw 10 'guilty' individuals executed for murders allegedly committed using supernatural means (Sharpe, 2002). The persecution of the 'Salem witches' was the American equivalent, resulting in the execution of 14 women, 5 men, and 2 dogs in 1693 for their indicted involvement with witchcraft (Saxon, 2015). Although the final Witch Act was repealed in 1736, less aggressive laws took over to control participation in the occult, like the 1824 Vagrancy Act penalising acts such as fortune-telling, astrology, and spiritualism (UK Parliament, 2020).
Scholars have observed that women have been disproportionally accused of witchcraft throughout history, with reports suggesting those who were elderly, unattached, or perceived as sexually inappropriate (e.g., Ross, 1995). It has therefore been understood in literature that the purging of 'out of place' women during the witch trials aligned with the punitive control of 'impure' behaviour that accompanied religious Puritanism at the time (Karlsen, 1998). This gives an insight into how the label of 'witch' has been historically used to socially facilitate an 'Us-Vs-Them' process that identified and consequently stigmatised individuals who deviated from the norms of patriarchal society. Those accused held the doubly deviant role of failing to adhere to these norms and were by extension labelled unfit wives, mothers, and citizens under Puritan standards of gender roles (e.g., Ben-Yehuda, 1980). Consider for instance the identifying characteristics that could get an individual accused of witchcraft during the witch trials, such as an unusual scar or birthmark, confessions both voluntary and coerced, or owning a cat thought to be a 'familiar' (British Library, 2021). This is a process known as 'Othering', in which an out-group is identified as being alien to the in-group and a social distance is created (Brons, 2015). One might question how salient dated stereotypes are to how we view contemporary practitioners and whether this social distance is still present given that witchcraft is currently being widely practiced. However, historical narratives are key to how modern identities are constructed and contorted (Friedman, 1992). This is demonstrated by ways in which witches have continued to be Othered in lore and media, namely as folk devils conceived from hybrid historical stereotypes involving supernaturalism and immoral or 'evil' practices (Rountree, 1997). The social construct of phenomenon is a dynamic one that consists of self-experience, experiences of others and the wider world, and tangible symbols (Groome & Roberts, 2017). Therefore, to truly have an academic grasp on contemporary witchcraft, one must consider all social factors, dated or otherwise.
To expand on the role of stereotyping, the twentieth century attached a fresh cluster of socially aversive associations to Western witchcraft. Events such as the 'Satanic Panic' fostered a series of moral panics that conflated witchcraft with notions of ritual abuse, infanticide, and child abduction (e.g., Berger, 2005). Quite paradoxically, a 'Disneyfied' portrayal of witches depicting caricatured images of flying broomsticks and black cats has also been popularised by works of fiction over the years (Greenwood, 2020). Stereotypes about witches, comical or demonised, can obscure our understanding of genuine witchcraft cultures as they are often incongruent with how actual practitioners view themselves (e.g., Hjelm, 2006). However, identity can be selfreflexive in which individuals rely on others' perceptions to affirm or reject their values (Gündüz, 2017). For example, this year a viral message on Twitter claimed that amateur practitioners grouped together and attempted to 'hex' the moon. This reportedly upset the 'WitchTok' community, a community of witches who correspond on popular videosharing platform TikTok, and who allegedly felt that this performance misused and mocked their practices, beliefs, and fundamental respect for nature (Lindsay, 2020). This suggests that societal perceptions of witchcraft are a highly relevant factor to consider as they arguably impact witches' own mental representations.
Studies ascertaining social constructions of the witchcraft subculture in relation to wider cultures have largely fallen within the remit of anthropology (Koning, 2013). This stance has determined that witchcraft can serve a function in explaining misfortune, reiterating moral standings, or relieving social tensions within communities. For example, Evans-Pritchard (1937) observed that in Zande culture "sometimes an old granary collapses" due to "being eaten away by termites" thus killing an individual sitting underneath it (p.86). Rational thinking would attribute these events to unfortunate coincidence, but to Zande logic it is the specific combination of these events (the collapse of the granary and someone sitting below) that indicates the interference of witchcraft. Without it, one of the events would have naturally occurred without the other. Anthropology has also been particularly influential in highlighting that witchcraft is practiced widely and held within various belief systems across the world with each region holding unique cultural roots and evolutions (e.g., Greenwood, 2020).
Older strands of anthropology can however be critiqued for being too culturally specific and over-reliant on conclusions drawn from observing group structures (e.g., Dein, 2016). For example, anthropologists like Evans-Pritchard may write about 'magic' being used for intentionally disruptive purposes whereas this may not resonate with contemporary practitioners who view magic in a morally neutral sense despite others labelling it as evil or immoral (e.g., Berger, 2005). In essence, witchcraft cannot be fully understood through dated anthropological works which dilute the input of self-identified practitioners. How practitioners view themselves is arguably a key ingredient in understanding psychological discourses about what it means to 'be' a witch and 'do' witchcraft. However, the number of psychological works exploring the experiences and reflections of selfidentified practitioners is limited compared to the amount of 1 3 literature written by practicing witches who are willing to share insights about their 'path' or 'craft'. The present study seeks to address this gap by interviewing a wide sample of non-specific practitioners about various individual and social psychological factors to see if any common threads of views and experience become apparent.
Despite an underwhelming lack of psychological input compared to anthropological and sociological works delving into the study of contemporary witchcraft, it would arguably be biased to refer to their focus as a shortcoming of existing literature. This will be evidenced throughout this review, which recurrently cites the findings of sociologists such as Helen Berger and Douglas Ezzy and contemporary anthropologists like Kathryn Rountree and Susan Greenwood to inform the scope of this study. Rather, we might reflect upon the collective literature and comment that there have been missed opportunities from the field of psychology. Indeed, other realms of the social sciences have informed us of observable trends since witchcraft's renaissance and the specific worldviews of various subcultures that incorporate "magical or occult beliefs and practices" (Berger, 2005). However, where these larger-scale findings speak of collective consciousness, to lose focus of individual perspectives as knowledge is accumulated risks overly quantifying the notion of human experience. Taking a psychological stance would align harmoniously with the existing pool of literature (e.g., Berger & Ezzy, 2004;Orrell, 2019), where delving further into the individual lifepaths of those practicing witchcraft would likely communicate rich information about human cognition and how personal beliefs become established and maintained (Groome & Roberts, 2017).
One explanation for the lack of psychological research on contemporary witchcraft is the polarisation between the spiritual and the scientific, wherein magical belief systems are incongruent with the post-Enlightenment rationalism that has come to fuel academic literature (Greenwood, 2003(Greenwood, , 2020Robertson, 2009). To help bridge this gap, it might be helpful to view witchcraft as a subculture with observable customs, norms, and values rather than debate one's own willingness to suspend disbelief in the supernatural. This disparity has arguably prevented the field of psychology from gaining insights into the unique mental representations that can develop from beliefs and practices relating to witchcraft (e.g., Sonnex et al., 2020). For instance, Rountree (1998) observed that women involved in the Goddess Movement (otherwise known as the 'feminist witchcraft' movement) actively constructed their own belief systems and rituals. What set these witchcraft practitioners apart from other religious or spiritual practitioners is that "they know that they are making it all up" (p.292) and that the symbolic meaning their practice provides was in no way inhibited by their hand in its design. Investigations into modern witchcraft therefore have much to contribute to our understanding of this subculture and notions of identity and society that are prevalent within contemporary psychology. For instance, the ways in which modern witches engage with magical thinking processes, wherein research suggests that magical thinking increases when one feels that situations are outside of one's control and can serve as a means of self-direction (Groome & Roberts, 2017).
Existing research tells us that magical belief systems and items used as magical conduits can support individuals in identifying and addressing their psychological needs. For instance, Ezzy (2003) found that spell books provided a means for young female practitioners to gain insight into themselves. For example, utilising spells to secure romantic partners indicated that committed relationships were meaningful to the practitioner's self-ethic. Additionally, Rountree (2004) noted that, in contemporary Western society, choosing to believe in both science and magic may require contextually switching between worldviews for non-practitioners. However, for feminist witches, it was a natural dichotomy within their human experience which is the reality that we encounter daily alongside dreams, fantasy, and phenomenon that we do not yet have the means to explain. Overall, this indicates that witchcraft practitioners demonstrate cognitive creativity when their needs are not met by rational society.
Language and symbols can also help modern witches self-identify and counterculturally reject the mainstream, for example by subverting the historically oppressive 'witch' label (e.g., Rountree, 2004). Two influential strands of contemporary witchcraft are the Goddess Movement and Wicca, which both derive from the Neo-Pagan movement that pays homage to pre-Christian (or 'Pagan') beliefs such as Goddess worship, nature worship, polytheism, and pantheism (Berger, 2019). These strands deny mainstream religions thought to purport male-dominated themes like the paternal, monotheistic God known to Christianity (Nelson, 2009). For example, many female practitioners from the Goddess Movement repurposed symbols such as 'the Maiden, the Mother, and the Crone' which were metaphorically used to determine a woman's status in patriarchal societies. Instead, the nowreclaimed 'Goddess Trinity' or 'Triple Goddess' symbols have been used to embrace the connection between women and nature by celebrating feminine themes of fertility, nurture, and wisdom among other forms of Goddess Worship and imagery (e.g., Rountree, 2004). However, despite there being influences and overlaps, it should be cautioned that major Neo-Pagan movements should not be conflated with contemporary witchcraft as this may misrepresent certain practitioners (Greenwood, 2020). One might self-identify as a witch but not a Wiccan, or vice versa. Likewise, someone could subscribe to Goddess Worship without considering it to be witchcraft. As conscientiously demonstrated in collated works such as Greenwood's, it is important to make sense of the different identities within the broad church of witchcraft and to understand people's experiences within that, to avoid purporting a slanted view within academic literature.
Researchers of contemporary witchcraft have noted that in recent decades there has been an influx of new practitioners choosing to explore witchcraft as an alternative religion or spirituality and have hypothesised that this is partly due to the expansion of the internet (e.g., Berger & Ezzy, 2004). Studies have indicated that modern witches prefer using community and interaction to shape their witchcraft paths compared to historical witches who, often involuntarily, were more likely to be solitary practitioners (e.g., Berger & Ezzy, 2009). However, concrete Western beliefs in the occult and magic are thought to be gradually weakening due to urbanisation (Koning, 2013), and as such witchcraft communities have taken on a less traditional form where like-minded individuals do not necessarily have to be within practitioners' physical social circles (Robertson, 2009). Social media outlets and interactive forums theoretically offer modern witches a universal space to make virtual connections that provide this sense of community and learning (Grieve, 1995). Therefore, to further explain and understand witchcraft-related identities in an up-to-date context it would be useful to consider whether online communities have been influential in their construction.
Witchcraft identities also go beyond simply practicing a craft, often incorporating wider socio-political values such as environmentalism and women's rights (Berger, 2019). As such, another incentive of exploring the use of online spaces is that they provide practitioners the digital democracy to voice these perspectives (Griffin, 2004). For instance, Orrell (2019) argues that it is no coincidence that the rise of social media use among witches correlates with genderequality movements such as #TimesUp and #HeforShe due to an affinity between women and witchcraft. To support this statement, in 2016 a group of self-identified Latina practitioners released a video on YouTube entitled 'Brujas hex Trump' to encourage other witches on both digital and physical platforms to metaphysically intervene with Donald Trump's presidential campaign using group-based spells and rituals (Martinez, 2021). The collective identity that this example highlights is particularly interesting and representative of significant world events at the time. It also serves to emphasise the importance of contemporary investigations of identity as a dynamic contrast, which is the key aim of the current study.
In this, Miller (2022) points out that social media platforms can also highlight the existential challenges that modern witches may face when engaging with the many variables associated with contemporary society. For example, some might find it paradoxical that social media advertises consumer goods as necessary tools to perform certain types of magic, thus creating a dissonant tether between capitalism and spirituality. However, as Miller asserts, the online realm is a space wherein such "important debates will continue to play out" and "the fact that modern Witchcraft is witnessing these debates during what is still a relatively early phase in its development" is more reason to turn an academic eye to the role of digitised spaces (p.18). Miller was talking specifically of WitchTok, but theoretically we can generalise this to alternative forms of networks that promote online exchanges.
It is also interesting to note observational shifts within the objectively short time span of the internet's presence. Berger and Ezzy (2004) noted that internet was not "a primary entry point" for young individuals exploring witchcraft, but rather local bookstores and libraries. Comparatively, Miller (2022) noted that the now-popular TikTok app and its infrastructural use of 'hashtags' means that users that are familiar with tags tangential to witchcraft (e.g., #Spirituality, #Crystals, etc.) will naturally find an entrance into learning more about witchcraft. Despite these advancements, however, it remains difficult to differentiate the curious observer from the budding practitioner and so further insight into how individuals absorb digitised content is key to ascertain the extent to which online communities influence self-identification. From a psychological perspective, the role of various individual dispositional and situational factors might offer more information about this (e.g., preferences for active versus observing participation, whether offline practices predate online practices or vice versa, generational differences, etc.).
In essence, the 'digitisation' of witchcraft is a fruitful conceptualisation of the subculture, in terms of the variety of platforms such as WitchTok or "Witchy Etsy Shops" within which modern witches can convey their chosen practice and engage in self-appraisals (Miller, 2022). Despite the internet arguably adding a new dimension to how witchcraft is performed and understood, there are few in-depth academic studies that explore this medium's significance for practitioners. However, the small pool of literature that does exist about this phenomenon has provided considerable insights. For example, Renser and Tiidenberg (2020) applied interview and observation methods to study how Estonian witches used Facebook to digitise eclectic Neo-Pagan practices such as tarot, talking to the dead using a Ouija board, and casting spells. It was found that participants who 'liked, shared, and commented' on certain topics influenced the Facebook algorithms, which then utilised the data from this interactivity to prioritise said topics on their newsfeeds. Moreover, if participants' posts about certain rituals were popular with their peers (e.g., fortune-telling), they were motivated to push these services more often within those groups. This research demonstrates that the process of online networking moulds witches' skillsets, which suggests that one's witchcraft-related identity is inherently shaped by the type of online community that they interact with.
The present study aims to further the academic understanding of identity formation in modern witches by inquiring into the experiences and reflections of holding witchcraft beliefs in the context of current social norms. In this, it will additionally explore how witchcraft identities and subcultures are facilitated by engaging with online communities. This study focuses on the following research questions designed to synthesise and expand on existing literature by exploring participants' self-perceived identities in-person, online, and intersected: In what ways are the identities of modern witches constructed, expressed, and contested? • [RQ2] How does participating in relevant online communities impact the identities and practices of those engaging with modern witchcraft?
To what extent are the identities of people engaged in online communities focusing on the practice of modern witchcraft salient in their offline, day-to-day experiences?

Participants and sampling
We aimed to obtain a sample size of between six and twelve participants to achieve theoretical saturation, as is suitable for an in-depth qualitative study (Guest et al., 2006). A combination of convenience and snowball sampling was used to increase response rates (Baltar & Brunet, 2012). Some participants were recruited via open invitations posted in several witchcraft groups on Facebook and others were recommended by previous participants through their personal social networks. Sixteen participants volunteered to be interviewed for this study, each identifying as a witch or practitioner of various rituals and traditions associated with witchcraft. Participants' ages ranged from 18 to 64 (mean = 39.44, SD = 11.06). Twelve participants were female (75%) and three were male (18.75%). One participant did not identify as either male or female (6.25%). Seven participants were located in the UK (43.75%), seven were located in the US (43.75%), one in Belgium (6.25%), and one in Spain (6.25%). Self-reported participant occupations can be seen in Fig. 1.
Details such as race, ethnicity, sexuality, or class were not obtained as it was reasoned that doing so might be unnecessarily invasive or inflammatory for the respondent. Rather, because the research questions sought to explore subjective constructions of identity, the open-ended design of the semistructured interviews allowed respondents to discuss such intersectional factors if they were relevant to their experiences (Roulston & Choi, 2018). Table 1 shows a range of participants' practices and beliefs including codes drawn from descriptions used within the interview responses.

Data collection
All data was collected and handled in accordance with the Data Protection Act, 2018.  The study used semi-structured interviews as they enabled us to expand on previous research topics while simultaneously allowing room for perspectives that were unique to the participant (Roulston & Choi, 2018). Initially, interview options were limited to Zoom, Skype, or telephone. However, there were numerous requests from potential participants to do the interviews in a typed format. Many felt uncomfortable with being audio-recorded or explained that they articulated themselves better over text. As such, interview formats were expanded into two categories, the first being 'verbal interviews', which included the options listed previously. The second category offered 'text-based' interviews that could either be done in real-time over instant messenger, or over email using a questionnaire format. It was mutually agreed that follow-up questions may be asked via email if participant questionnaire answers lacked detail. Expanding the interview options in this way enabled participants who were more reserved conversationally to be less inhibited when communicating via text. This was demonstrated by them making jokes, going into more detail, or demonstrating passion about certain topics. Interview guides (text-based and verbal) were created to provide some structure to the discussions, anticipate potential follow-up questions, and support the prompting of participant responses.

Procedure
After recruitment, respondents were provided an information sheet and given the opportunity to ask any questions about the research or their role as a participant. Further details were arranged, such as the date and time of the interview and the participant's preferred format (i.e., verbal or textbased). Participants were also asked to fill out a consent form and a demographics sheet prior to their interview. These exchanges were conducted via email and all participants gave informed consent.
Verbal interviews took an average of 49.5 min and instant messenger interviews took approximately 90 min. Email interviews were done in participants' own time. Text-based communication typically takes longer than verbal communication due to factors such as reduced attentional demand within the conversation and increased capacity to carefully choose one's words before engaging (Schober et al., 2015). Verbal interviews were audio-recorded using a Dictaphone. Text-based data was copied and pasted from its original source into a separate Microsoft Word document with the original formatting preserved.
At the end of each interview, participants were given another opportunity to ask questions or express any concerns. They were also asked if there was anything they would like to talk about that had not been discussed already. This was to enhance the scope of the research by allowing for angles that had not been previously considered. If they were satisfied, the participant was thanked for their time and the interview was closed.
Verbal interviews were transcribed verbatim, including conversational factors such as laughter, sighing, word stress, and pausing. Likewise, emoji data was retained in text-based interviews. All transcripts were anonymised, omitting details such as names, locations, and groups that the participants were affiliated with.

Validity and reflexivity
This study had limited external validity because, as a smallscale inductive project, it could not realistically capture the perspectives of modern witches from all practices and intersections. However, it served to explore an under-researched phenomenon and as such its focus was on the quality of the sample's views and experiences rather than on quantity and generalisability. Therefore, it was key to demonstrate reflexivity and ensure a neutral approach when collecting the data to maximise its quality as a platform for future research (Ormston et al., 2014). Various groups were contacted to capture a range of perspectives and challenge one's limited understanding of what witchcraft means today. For example, by approaching different groups that were: • Eclectic and specific in practice • Mixed and female-only • Religious, spiritual, and atheist • For beginners and advanced practitioners Reflexivity was further demonstrated by seeking the participants' input on the language used in the discussions. Preferred terms were clarified at the beginning of each interview. Participants were advised that the interviewer would use terms that were all-encompassing (i.e., referring to someone as a 'witch', or inquiring about one's 'path' or 'craft'), but that these could be replaced with vocabulary that was more relatable to the respondent.

Analytical strategy
Thematic Analysis (TA) was used to explore the transcripts, which involved becoming familiar with the similarities and differences within the data, generating 'codes', and defining the framework of overarching themes and sub-themes (Braun & Clarke, 2020). The first author read the transcribed data multiple times and extracted the codes. The codes from each transcript were cross-referenced, alongside all relevant quotations, and were consolidated thematically into a separate document. It was agreed that a single coder of the raw transcribed interviews was sufficient due to the nature of the research questions, which favour an interpretivist view of the data obtained, rather than emphasising objective resolution (McDonald et al., 2019). As outlined above, we strived for a neutral and reflexive approach to accurately reflect the individual and collective experiences expressed within the interviews. As part of the reflexive process, the second author reviewed the extracted quotations to offer a comparative viewpoint regarding interpretation of the data in relation to the generated themes. The finalised results were reviewed by both authors to ensure that each of the generated themes was appropriately substantiated by the data.
An advantage of TA is that it is a flexible approach to organising data, which allowed for nuanced thinking and consideration of unforeseen insights (Terry et al., 2017). However, the loose structure of TA meant that the data could become overwhelming, potentially leading to superficial observations and a lack of coherence (Nowell et al., 2017). As such, to maintain the depth, richness, and quality of the observations, it was necessary to keep a rigorous track of the emerging themes from the initial analyses until the final stages of refinement. A thematic network was formed to help build a meaningful narrative of both contemporary witchcraft and its use of online communities (see Fig. 2).

Results
Two thematic strands were identified during the coding process: what modern witchcraft practices represent today (Theme 1) and the role of online communities in facilitating and constraining them (Theme 2). Although the study's focus was on the role of online spaces in contemporary witchcraft, participants were asked about all aspects of their practice to avoid posing narrative constraints that could potentially eclipse participants' accounts of their worldviews. Whilst a wide array of topics emerged from the interview discussions, only the themes that link closely with the original research questions are reported in detail below. Text-based interview answers were documented as written by the participant.

Modern witchcraft
A holistic insight into the contemporary practice of witchcraft was achieved within the context of the study's sample through recurring themes. Interestingly, not every participant who volunteered for this study necessarily identified with the word 'witch'. For example, Agnes self-identified as a "ritualist", partly because she considered the etymology of 'witch' as "a way to oppress women". However, each participant voiced a rich outlook regarding the significance that witchcraft has had for their personal identity and perceived social status.

Salience
It was unanimous amongst the participants that the ways that witchcraft can be practiced are manifold and that this broadness and diversity allows one's craft to be bespoke to the practitioner.  [laughs]." (Wanda) Due to its flexibility as a practice, the extent that being a witch was salient to the participants' identities was varied. Some saw it as an inherent part of their identity, where one's witchcraft path was perceived to guide one's actions and morals.
"You can't separate witchcraft of identity. It is through all your identity. You can't isolate it." (Cordelia) Others however saw their identity as more multi-faceted and therefore not centred around their beliefs and practices.
"I am just a normal person who happens to practice and study witchcraft." (Neve). Participants generally noted that there was some overlap between their preferences as a witchcraft practitioner and other elements of their identity. For example, through hobbies and interests. Gardening, mythology, art, and blogging were a few examples where participants described incorporating elements of their wider interests into their practice. This relationship appeared to be bidirectional-i.e., sometimes the witchcraft practice influenced their hobbies, and vice versa. For example, Alvin described crafting items such as a wand and a fairy crown to give to other practitioners in his online peer-group. Leo saw his love for hiking and camping as a reflection of nature "being sacred to [him]". There was also an observed link between some personality traits and participants' choice of practice. For instance, those who self-reported as being more introverted cited this as a factor in preferring solitary rituals to group ones. Many also felt that their empathic personalities were relevant to their witchcraft-related identities.
Due to this intersect between one's craft preferences and wider sense of self, many participants were unable to pinpoint when exactly it was that they began practicing witchcraft. Some gave an approximate length of time whilst simultaneously acknowledging the likelihood that it may have been longer. Leo, for example, chose to count the years he spent raised as a Christian because Christianity always "felt fake" to him. Multiple participants also described exhibiting past or childhood behaviours that they now consider to be harmonious with witchcraft without formally understanding it to be witchcraft at the time.
"I've always collected rocks and crystals…Now I know why I like certain things so much." (Evelyn) Some participants described using their own cultural backgrounds as a starting point for 'finding a path' that was meaningful to them. However, some participants maintained that Abrahamic religions and the alternative religions/spiritualities that typically feed into witchcraft are not mutually exclusive-i.e., one does not have to solely subscribe to a magical or spiritual belief system to identify as a witch.
"I believe in a lot of Christian ideology, too, and love going to Church." (Blair).

Connectedness
For almost all participants, a large part of witchcraft meant feeling 'connected' to one's surroundings, whether it was to nature, the universe, or to other people. Many also subscribed to the concept of dichotomies within their personal flavour of witchcraft. One frequent example was the construct of 'light' and 'dark' magic.
"So, you get white witches, they deliberately make choices to not harm anybody…Then you've got your black witchcraft…I'm not equating black with evil, they just have a different slant. So, they're more happy with cursing, hexing, jinxing …A grey witch means harnessing a balance." (Ophelia) Another example voiced by multiple participants was that there are 'masculine' and 'feminine' energies in existence. Acknowledging 'feminine energy' was reflected to be a significant part of why many practitioners felt so drawn towards witchcraft belief systems. It was perceived that the natural world invokes a spiritual equilibrium that patriarchal societies fail to provide because of this imbalance of male/female energy.
"It [witchcraft] is very interwoven with nature, which is inherently associated with female energy." (Alvin) "Because most witches are women and/or in witchcraft there is a balance between feminine and masculine energy; while in society masculine energy is still dominant." (Cordelia)

History and intersection
All participants were asked the broad question of whether they thought it was important to consider witchcraft's 'history'. Every participant felt that history is by some means still relevant to contemporary witchcraft. Most interview answers on this topic revolved around major historical events such as the Salem and Pendle witch trials, although participants' knowledge and insights were not limited to those two examples. Some felt personally 'connected' to the injustice of these events either as women or as witches.
"There were men who were tortured and murdered in witchcraft but the issue of witchcraft disproportionately affected women. And I feel like their story can't be lost…It connects me to those women who went before me." (Ophelia) A couple of participants expressed the view that the capital punishment of accused witches effectively stunted the generational potential of modern witches. This referred to either the evolution of psychic or magical abilities, or the opportunity to study and develop witchcraft knowledge to pass on to future generations. "It is a pity that so many witches were executed. I think that caused a drawback in special abilities in modern humans." (Cordelia) Many conflated the persecution of historical witches with the wider oppression of women throughout history. Despite this feminist stance that spanned the majority of the sample, it was unanimous that 'witch' is a gender-neutral term and that men who practice witchcraft are valid in doing so. Some mentioned actively degendering the word 'witch' to be more inclusive of all practitioners, for example: "trans witches" (Ophelia).
"A lot of innocent people died for having the same beliefs we have so it's important to understand the privilege." (Rhiannon) Concepts of intersection and privilege appeared to be critical thinking points for some participants. For instance, while 'exploring many crafts' was common to participants' experiences of finding a unique witchcraft path, it was vocalised by some that there is sometimes a reluctance or refusal to appropriate practices that had significant personal histories outside of one's own. Native American rituals and ceremonies were one cited example, even though it was generally appreciated that such practices are founded on belief systems that mirrored their own, for example: "kindness to earth" (Rhiannon).

Stereotypes and stigma 'Witchy' stereotypes
Participants provided a range of stereotypes that they felt existed about witches or witchcraft. Most stereotypes fell under the following themes: an archaic notion that witches are 'hags' or 'spinsters', beliefs about possessing supernatural capabilities, and Satanic ritual abuse.
"I think everybody looks for a hag and green face and a hat." (Evelyn) "We are not people who think we can fly through the air on our brooms." (Morgan) "There is a big misconception. We are shown [in mass media] as…Not human. Being evil and associated with devil worship." (Neve) There was also a recognition that there is a gothic 'aesthetic' associated with witchcraft. Oftentimes participants conceded that there was a "grain of truth" (Cordelia) to certain stereotypes and that many witches "like to joke" (Neve) about fitting into the more innocuous typecasts.
"I own a black cat too. I didn't get him for the colour, but he is a pretty little fellow…Some of us like to put on a pointed hat on Halloween. I do, I think it's funny." (Morgan) As most interviews were conducted in October, a few participants talked about annually celebrating Samhain with a couple having planned upcoming rituals. Samhain (pronounced 'Sow-en' or 'Sow-een') referred to a Pagan sabbat typically celebrated around October 31 st to pay respect to one's ancestors. This was interesting because in this context participants were perpetuating a stereotype about witches being active on Halloween, supporting the 'grain of truth' perspective. However, while milder stereotypes were met with dryness and humour, it was maintained that the more adverse stereotypes, such as ones implying devil worship, can be "ignorant", "quite unfair", and at times "damaging" to witchcraft practitioners. Below are examples that demonstrate the bullying and abuse that can result from the social stigma of witchcraft.
"I had someone spit at me in the street because they thought I looked like a 'goth witch'." (Rhiannon) "I've been called a lunatic, ridiculous, deluded…I've had threats of violence." (Neve)

"The worst thing that I am doing is that I have really cool jewellery and some funky makeup. …But yeah, I have been in positions where it wasn't safe and it's very nerve-wracking 'cause you almost just want to assimilate at that point." (Ash)
Ash further maintained that it is not just the explicit practice of witchcraft that can be stigmatised, but also the various individual or cultural associations that influences one's practice. In this, they specifically requested to extend the interview time to talk about the process of 'veiling' that was important to their self-identity, described in the quotation below. They illustrated how "exhausting" it is to feel like they have to "explain [themselves]" to other people about what is a private act of devotion. The following quote functioned as a bid to motivate others to be more "compassionate" using the interview discussion as an instrument.

"There's such a stigma about covering your hair [for spiritual or religious reasons] … The reason why I wanted to mention it was because anyone who ends up reading these interviews…I kind of want the reader to know…If you see somebody who is covering their hair it does not automatically mean whatever mainstream media might want you to think. It doesn't mean domestic terrorism…I promise you…It's a devotional act…I can take it off at any point [takes off hair covering] … I do it to protect my own energy." (Ash)
Overall, this provides an insight into the prejudice that witches might experience on a wider outgroup level. However, it was suggested by a couple of participants that practitioners can also hold unfavourable perceptions of practices that do not resemble their own perceptions of witchcraft. For example, certain Black or minority ethnic witchcraft rituals and ceremonies being considered strange or 'evil' by Westernised witch communities.

"It's important to stand for other people's cultures and practices…Even as witches, they just judge it [hoodoo and voodoo] because of the names and connotations. The people who practice it aren't evil. They just have a different process to us." (Rhiannon)
Otherness A strong view across the sample was that those who are perceived as alternative, outcast, or 'weirdos' within society tend to feel more drawn towards the witchcraft subculture than those who are not.

"Witchcraft as a community is, it's really a catch-all space for everybody who struggles in the wide world and we go, 'Hey, I'm a weirdo, you're a weirdo, let's all be weirdos together!'." (Faye)
Many types of individuals were cited as falling into this spectrum, such as those with "physical disabilities", "mental health problems", or "not neurotypical" traits, liberals, or members of the LGBT community. Participants also cited hardship as a reason for joining witchcraft communities with many describing experiences of depression and anxiety, grief, domestic abuse, and chronic or lifethreatening illness.
It was maintained by many participants that experiencing such hardships or having characteristics that are "disruptive to the status quo" (Faye) can cause feelings of loneliness and rejection within mainstream society. However, all participants felt compatible with practicing witchcraft. Many described how inserting 'magic' into their belief systems allowed them to gain control of their lives and improve self-esteem and self-efficacy by utilising spiritual talismans, curios, deities, symbols, and mythologies. Sometimes participants believed these devices to provide divine or metaphysical healing properties. Oftentimes, they were considered "props" (Ophelia) used to add a physical presence to their mindful intentions. Whether performative or of genuine faith, the various ways through which participants explored magical thinking helped provide morals and structure to their day-to-day actions. "Think of all the times you're so stressed out about something, and it ends up fine. Magic…You think of a long-lost friend you haven't seen in twenty years, and you bump into them on the street and it's like you've never left. Magic." (Wanda)

Self-concealment
There was an element of self-directed stigma among some of the participants, who described actively keeping their beliefs and practices hidden from their everyday lives (e.g., from friends, family, or colleagues).

"I'm very much in the 'broom closet' at work because I work with a lot of Christian people…They wouldn't react well to finding out I'm a witch." (Ophelia)
Sometimes 'outing' oneself as a witch had led to family tensions or estrangement, particularly in the context of religious upbringings. Compartmentalisation was often due to fear of discrimination or judgement. Alternatively, some participants described having previously felt this fear and striving to overcome it. In other words, to self-empower rather than self-conceal. Some were still actively engaging in this process.

Reducing stigma
In the following quote, Morgan states that people were disillusioned when the witchcraft practice she was engaging in did not prove to be nefarious. One frequently expressed view was that if more effort were made to make mainstream 1 3 communities aware that witchcraft is not something to fear or sensationalise, some of the stigma and moral panic would subside and allow witches to practice more freely.
"We were active in the Magical community when the Satanic Panic was going on…Some people contacted [local police representative] about doing a stakeout on a nearby hill when they found out about a Witchcraft-probably Satanic-event…He said 'I know the people running it. Would you like some free passes?' They were surprised and disappointed. If they could get in free, obviously nothing illegal was going on." In contrast, Faye believed this mindset to be a disservice to the subculture, as some practices/paths are not opposed to harming others and certain practitioners may indeed subscribe to Satanism. As such, the full spectrum of witchcraft should not be ignored in favour of a more sanitised portrayal designed to "placate wider society" (Faye).
"I see people engaging where they say… 'There's nothing to be afraid of about witchcraft because we don't believe in the devil'. Well, actually, some do." (Faye)

Online communities
All participants were a member of one or more Facebook groups, but some mentioned also following online forums and courses, Instagram accounts, Tumblr, Pinterest, and video-sharing platforms such as YouTube or TikTok which give advice, inspiration, and discussions of issues surrounding witchcraft. A salient finding was the perceived role of the internet in changing how witchcraft is learned, understood, and practiced, which will be explored further in the following sub-themes.

Solidarity
Social media groups provided practitioners a space to learn among and help like-minded peers on parallel paths, and a means to have a "laugh" and realise that they are "not alone as a witch" (Cordelia).
"I think witches are less lonely [since the internet]. They find others like them which strengthen them and help them to keep up their path." (Cordelia) This mutual support involved asking for advice or offering tips regarding their own crafts, sharing 'witchy' memes, photographs, videos and other resources, or discussing the unique traditions and histories of different practices with provided source materials (e.g., book recommendations).

"It's breaking barriers. It's opening doors. It's enlightening people. It's telling people that what they believe is okay." (Alvin)
It was further recognised that some practitioners may have restrictive spheres where they can feasibly explore witchcraft within their everyday lives, and so online communities provide a haven that allows individuals to leave their comfort zones without fear of 'outing' themselves.

"You can go on Facebook and it will show up [on the search history] as Facebook, not as 'you're on a witch group'." (Rhiannon)
Participants across the sample described a varied selection of witch groups that exist on a local and global level, which allowed them to make wide-spread social connections that helped shape and challenge their unique flavours of witchcraft.

Cohesion and group size
A few participants described first engaging with online communities by joining multiple witch groups to assess their usefulness and significance and then eventually 'scaling down' until they found smaller and/or more selective groups that resonated with them. Some participants had formed meaningful friendships with people they met through these chosen groups, miscellaneously referring to these close bonds as their "witch family", "core group", "tribe", or for a couple of participants, "coven". In this context, a coven 1 3 referred to a small, tight-knit community of witches who gather to celebrate seasonal festivals or practice spells and rituals. Sometimes participants had never physically met their peers, other times online friendships resulted in social meetings if group members were near the participant's geographical location.
"There's just nine of us. And we splinted off from a very big group just because we wanted to study together. And it's just coalesced into this very natural organic 'coven' for lack of a better word." (Pearl) An observable distinction was drawn between core groups and larger, more unstructured groups within the sample's experiences of online communities. Descriptions of large groups sometimes involved 'trolling' behaviours (e.g., posing "silly questions designed to mock others" (Neve)…) and argumentative debating about how to 'do' witchcraft correctly.

"Put them together in a group [witches/practitioners] and you watch the politics come to play…When you've got so many different personalities…Human groups don't work well on consensus." (Jasper)
Conversely, core groups involved healthier perspective sharing (e.g., turn-taking) and group rituals that appeared to be common expressions of mutually shared witchcraft. The examples below show a contrast within Rhiannon's experiences where the latter account of being part of a core dynamic appears more positive and prosocial compared to being in an unstructured group.
"There's a lot of people that are like 'you can't buy your own tarot deck'. If someone's never going to get a tarot deck because they don't know anyone that will get them one, why should they be deprived?" (Rhiannon)

"We'd light a candle [on live video] and everyone would take turns…Some things were like, you know, being grateful for the NHS and sending positive energy." (Rhiannon)
Another prosocial behaviour that frequented core group descriptions was gift giving. Sometimes this meant mailing items to other practitioners as a gesture of goodwill and friendship.

"I had to move out suddenly… I kind of opened up to my witch family and they came through and supported me…. I got a lot of things for the house, like a dining table and chairs…I also got a nice little witch box of crafts and tools and incense…I really appreciated all of that." (Willow)
It also referred to sharing one's witchcraft processes via group video chat to enhance mutual knowledge and understanding.

Infinite knowledge
Participants' beliefs about the sources of their knowledge varied. Some participants felt that they were born with the intrinsic abilities to perform witchcraft while others felt that the skills and practices had to be learned. Nonetheless, a strong view across the sample was that for witches to find their unique path, it was useful to explore many perspectives and practices. The variety of knowledge and unstructured nature of witchcraft (apart from Wicca, which a few voiced as being a more structured religious practice) was considered positive by all participants. Some participants described having previously been a part of an Abrahamic religion but felt that this was too restrictive and gradually started exploring more eclectic spiritual belief systems for freedom of knowledge and expression. Likewise, a couple of participants turned to Wicca when first exploring witchcraft, but similarly found it to be too deity-centric and/or nature-centric and eventually sought out "looser" (Ophelia) practices.
"I used to be a little bit more into Christianity and stuff. It's not that I don't believe in God …I believe there are many gods." (Evelyn) It was unanimous that online communities have enhanced the breadth and depth of what can be learned about the world. Moreover, participants cited the interactive nature of these groups as being valuable for practitioners to not be confined to what they learn in literature.

"It was instantly accessible, so I didn't have to go and buy a book. I didn't have to contact someone who wanted money for information…There'd be a group of wonderful people wanting to help." (Rhiannon)
Faye's anecdote below demonstrates how contemporary witches often use online groups to communicate knowledge to other practitioners in a way that doesn't enforce one's own flavour of witchcraft but rather to inspire their peers' learning.
"She [a newly practicing witch] mentioned being interested in the Druid aspect and then she wants to 1 3 incorporate runes into that…Just make [her] aware that these [specific] runes are more Norse. Not to say that that doesn't mean they can't work with the Druid faith… If she wants to explore the Norse stuff, here's some reading material." (Faye) As such, one's chosen path is theoretically limitless in terms of cultural influences, practices, and beliefs, which reinforces that the practice of knowledge exchange within witchcraft is dynamic and supportive of individuality.

Mentor-mentee dynamic
All participants described, in both face-to-face and online contexts, at least one instance of being given guidance from other practitioners or influencing someone themselves.

"I just pop in [on Facebook groups] and see if I can
give new people advice. Such as: … "Can I contact a deity that's not part of my cultural heritage?" (Morgan) "There are a lot of new baby witches, and we need some collective guidance." (Willow) However, this concept of being a 'mentor' or 'mentee' of was not a fixed role, as it was generally viewed that witchcraft knowledge is infinite and part of an ongoing learning process. As such, one can adopt both roles simultaneously.

Enhancing one's practice
Most participants acknowledged that online discussions cannot substitute certain physical aspects of performing a ritual or practice, except for Wanda who felt that because she was the one who made the choice to ask another practitioner for help that this signified physicality. Moreover, Leo personally identified that his primary use of Facebook groups was for entertainment purposes, such as "sharing stupid memes" rather than to elevate his knowledge and skills. Jasper maintained that online communities did not add to his practice but that online peers' posting imagery such as fields or forests reinforced "the tranquillity of [his] mind in seeing it". As such, he preferred to use online groups to access materials that are congruent with his personal values rather than his practice, which do not have the "angst or argument" of online discussion. However, a widespread perspective was that it was immensely helpful to have an omnipresence of peers to remind them of significant dates, provide tips on improving existing practices, and inspire new and alternative methods.
"I think, a lot of the time, just engaging in a conversation goes into your practice because they'll be like 'Oh, it's a full moon tonight everyone. Charge your crystals, do your moon water'." (Rhiannon).

Gatekeeping
Sharing different wisdoms and perspectives was generally constructive to the participants' experiences of learning witchcraft. However, there were some exceptions to this rule. Gatekeeping of language was frequently cited as a negative experience in online communities, typically perpetrated by other members or "admins who wield their power like a hammer against anyone they disagree with" (Alvin). For example, one participant stated that the term 'baby witch', a slang term for an inexperienced practitioner, was banned on certain groups.
Gatekeeping also occurred through shaming other practitioners for allegedly reinforcing cultural appropriation or stereotypical thinking. Instances of moral preaching and criticising others' methods were generally perceived as being off-putting, particularly for those who were new to witchcraft. Some described witnessing the bullying of newly practicing witches for having limited or misguided knowledge. Discussions of group administrators banning, editing, or policing language used by members was generally thought to create unfair power dynamics that participants felt should not exist between practitioners. However, it was also maintained by some that moderators can play a useful part in mitigating group conflicts. Nevertheless, the trends described, where different elements of practitioners' identities appeared to clash, motivated some participants to reduce their online posting, leave certain witch groups, or create their own groups.
"I do feel sorry for them [newly practicing witches] sometimes. Cause you do get these posts saying 'Oh, I like this. I don't like this. What kind of witch am I?'… Then you get people saying 'well, you shouldn't be labelling yourself'. I'm going to leave some witch groups 'cause I just get fed up." (Ophelia) "I was trying to help this one woman interpret her egg cleansing [an energy purification ritual], [then] someone who is a very devout, very strong, vegan jumped in the chat…She was like 'you shouldn't use animal products for you to practice' and she's jumping on this woman." (Ash) In juxtaposition, a couple of participants expressed personal frustrations or derisions that can sometimes be felt towards newly practicing witches as more experienced practitioners. In equal measure, however, there were similar expressions of irritation towards other experienced practitioners who appear closed off to idea exchanges. This reinforces the precariousness of the 'expert' status within witchcraft.
"When people are really new, they could just google stuff and do their own reasearch [sic] so I find it slightly irritating when they ask to be spoon fed doctrine." (Leo) "When people have been around the communities for a while and read books and stuff they already think they have everything figured out and wont [sic] benefit from advice anyways, which is slightly irritating." (Leo)

"You get them [new practitioners] popping up on groups saying… 'I need money. How do I summon demon?'…You [laughs] really don't want to be screwing with this stuff if you don't know what you're
doing…That also extends to people who think they know what they're doing." (Jasper)

Misinformation
Another perceived downside to online communities was that because witchcraft practices employ a myriad of perspectives, there is a risk that certain practitioners can "stir bad information" such as "pseudo-science and pseudo-history" (Faye). Some participants spoke about the vulnerability of newly practicing witches who are more likely to believe questionable views or be scammed. It was further felt by some that there are vulnerable individuals who overly rely on online communities as a "cure-all" or "crutch" (Ash) for their problems. Furthermore, it was voiced that misinformation could be spread deliberately or due to ignorance.
The following examples demonstrate some of the concerns that participants held about this. Ophelia discusses having to balance the rational and magically inclined parts of herself to ensure that her peers are not endangered from over-relying on spiritual rather than practical advice. Alvin's anecdote suggests that there are 'bad apple' practitioners who exploit their alleged knowledge to take advantage of vulnerable group members. "There was a person who came to a couple of meetings who was clearly a predator…His belief system was angled towards [pause] sex more than anything. And he used his very old view on an old Greek God to try to basically manipulate more innocent and easier to guide people into his belief system." (Alvin) The concept of misinformation was also partly attributed by a few participants to a rise in what some miscellaneously referred to as "Instagram witchcraft" or "poser witches", with Leo referring to such individuals as "Harry Potter Pagans", where certain individuals appear more interested in flaunting the "witch aesthetic" on social media than in practicing a craft. This had both strengths and shortcomings. On one hand, some maintained that this could potentially heighten stereotypes about witches or foster "imposter syndrome" (Willow) for new practitioners. Although avenues like TikTok or Instagram were acknowledged as being useful for quick reference or entertainment, it was maintained that the information provided on these platforms should be viewed as a gateway rather than gospel.
"I find currently a trend of "witches" on certain platforms doing all the labels and aesthetics…Giving seriously crazy portrayals and dodgy information or just doing really ridiculous things like 'hexing the moon'." (Neve) "There are some people that use pop culture references for spells and those are perfectly valid…But for me, personally, I think it's good to know where some of this stuff comes from." (Ash) On the other hand, it was also recognised that the aesthetic becoming more visible might reduce some of the social stigma surrounding witchcraft.
"Anytime anything goes from the shadows to main-stream…With it comes acceptance …To not be worried that you're going to lose custody of your children because you practice witchcraft." (Pearl)

Discussion
The present study aimed to explore identity construction in contemporary witchcraft and whether online communities contribute to practitioners' individual processes. It presents personal narratives from a wide sample of participants (each practicing a unique 'flavour' of witchcraft) to assess whether there are common attitudes, reflections, and experiences among modern witches. Previous studies of contemporary witchcraft have typically been linked to disciplines within the social sciences such as anthropology or sociology, which focus on the wider social, cultural, and institutional factors (e.g., Berger, 2005;Greenwood, 2003). The current study takes a social psychological perspective to build on these previous explorations, emphasising participants' specific social relationships and how their sense of self is affected by their peer interactions. For instance, in revealing that practitioners adopt unique assimilative or accommodative strategies to manage their identities in 'witchy' and 'nonwitchy' contexts.
To summarise, it was found that online communities provided participants a platform to share witchcraft-related ideas and perspectives that could be perceived as both enlightening and disruptive to their practice. Using others as a comparative point played a part in confirming or destabilising one's witchcraft-related identity (e.g., taking on the role of a mentor or being criticised for self-identifying a certain way). Despite the diversity of the sample, the findings supported previous examinations suggesting that there are common threads among witchcraft's miscellaneous paths, such as holding some form of non-Abrahamic belief system or using archetypal deities and/or tools to facilitate one's practices (e.g., Greenwood, 2003). Naturally, scholars have noted exceptions, stating that some witches hold atheistic views or prefer to identify as a witch without committing to ritualistic practices or customs (e.g., Berger, 2019). This research noted similar exceptions within the study's sample. For instance, one participant elected not to refer to herself as a 'witch', whilst another participant followed both Christian and non-Christian belief systems. These observations reinforced previous findings suggesting that witchcraft is highly individualistic (e.g., Berger & Ezzy, 2009). In this, the present study argues that the identities of modern witches consist of overlapping individual, social, collective, and digital constructions.
Looking at identity in both online and face-to-face contexts was essential because it provided a comparative point for how online communities enabled facets of witchcraftrelated identities. As such, the first research question asked how witchcraft practitioners generally constructed their identities. Participants' constructions of being 'a witch' were highly dependent on the elements of witchcraft that personally resonated with them. This was evidenced by certain inconsistencies across the sample's views. For example, whether one was 'born' a witch or had to learn to become one; some practitioners believing in the magical properties of spells and tools whilst others found their use performative; whether one immersed themselves into witchcraft or only did so when practicing. There was however a significant constant across the sample, which was that being drawn to witchcraft often came in tandem with participants' experiences of being socially ostracised or stigmatised by mainstream standards (e.g., being female or having adverse life experiences). As such, it is likely that the group membership of being a witch is not based on fixed labels or identity saliency and could be negotiated. Rather, the status of being an 'Other' was the core feature linking these practitioners. Here we can relate to Greenwood's (2020) discussion of 'detraditionalization', where a cultural shift was initially noted within the New Age. Individuals are arguably seeking their authentic selves and preferred means of expression, whereas previously their external selves (accepted or 'contaminated') were defined by more traditional standards of socialisation (p.10).
Another recurrent finding was the miscellaneous use of metaphors, rituals, tools, and symbols that provided guidance and comfort to both the participants' practices and their wider existence (e.g., using tarot cards or conceptualising the muted 'feminine' energy of the natural world within society). For instance, one participant's account of making 'moon water' (water that has been 'charged' with light from the full moon to enhance its potency) paralleled Orrell's (2019) observation of witches who consumed coffee with the mindset that it would provide energy and positive emotions (akin to drinking a metaphorical potion). These comparative findings support the discourse that identifying as a witch has less to do with beliefs in supernatural ability or 'magic' than stereotypes would suggest. Rather, it is the active effort of establishing oneself and making everyday life less mundane and comparatively more enchanting or charming, particularly when one feels ambivalent or socially excluded in their day-to-day experiences. This concept of re-enchantment partially explains the modern witch's romanticisation and defence of the natural world to reject feelings of alienation and depersonalisation that coincide with the contemporary Western world and its emphasis on capital and bureaucracy (Berger, 2005).
Witchcraft-related identities were oftentimes intertwined with participants' 'non-witchy' selves (e.g., through hobbies, personality, or culture). This demonstrates that identity expression within this subculture is similarly creative and individualised. Nonetheless, the participants collectively held a remarkable self-awareness in acknowledging the histories, intersections, and stereotypes within witchcraft, regardless of whether these factors were pertinent to their own identity. For example, participants showing a sense of humour about certain 'witchy' stereotypes mirrored previous observations of a meme culture within the intersection between witchcraft and technology (e.g., Robertson, 2009). To expand, Orrell (2019) noted that modern witches posting stereotypical imagery of broomsticks on Instagram was a satirical way of affirming their identification with witchcraft. After all, while witchcraft is individualistic it also signifies counterculture (Rountree, 2004). It appeared that co-opting the collective 'witch' identity encouraged participants to have a holistic understanding of what 'witchcraft' meant beyond their personal participation, including how others (in-group or out-group) represent the subculture and who benefits or is disadvantaged by these representations. There were however some 'witchy' stereotypes that certain participants resisted, like maintaining that they did not associate with the devil or dress 'goth'. This demonstrates that having the knowledge of witchcraft's wider socio-historical representations allows practitioners to consciously reject or embrace their power in self-identification. However, reports of self-concealment did suggest that this process can be complicated due to external life factors.
The second research question asked how engagement with online communities enabled these witchcraft-related identities. At first glance, Facebook witch groups were observably influential as there were common expressions used by participants even though the sample did not share a geographical location or length of experience (e.g., 'core group', 'baby witch', etc.). Participants' experiences with online communities were largely positive and reinforced themes found in previous literature such as alleviating loneliness, improving self-esteem, and affirming practitioners' spiritual beliefs. It has also been proposed that the digitisation of group rituals collapses hierarchy within witchcraft knowledge exchange, as practitioners are now able to blend vast sources of individualised knowledge (Berger & Ezzy, 2004). As such, the 'expert' is relative to the discussion being had at the time. This was highlighted in the interviews through descriptions of taking turns in hosting 'witch sessions'. These findings support the notion that global interactivity is in some part assimilating a universal construct of contemporary witchcraft.
The present study reinforced that online communities have positive implications for practitioners' learning, socialisation, and integration into witchcraft group membership. Newly practicing participants particularly saw social media as significant for finding and shaping a path. However, there was also an insight into the negative impacts that have not been equally explored in literature. The concept of the neutral exchange of rich knowledge was applicable mostly to smaller, more intimate groups. In larger groups, however, there was the risk of spiralling information, which oftentimes led to disputing, manipulating, and gatekeeping others' language and experiences (particularly in relation to new practitioners). In some cases, online communities constrained witchcraft-related identities because practitioners were not able to explore certain avenues without being policed by allegedly more experienced peers whose authority could not be adequately challenged due to online anonymity. Herein lies a paradox, where online witch groups are a space that theoretically encourages freedom of knowledge and expression, but when diversity becomes too rich such spaces can have the opposite effect in practice. This has also been documented by Grieve (1995) in relation to moderation within virtual groups, where unmoderated group discussions were described by the author to be "more imaginative and more anarchistic" than moderated ones (p.104).
The intersect between social media and religious identity has resulted in the conceptualisation of 'digital religion', and so it has been suggested that future research would benefit from looking further into the role of "authority, dialogue, and ritual transfer" with content moderation and the handling of misinformation serving as focal points to better understand the dynamics of various group operations (Renser & Tiidenberg, 2020). The [potential] practitioner entering the online community should be aware of their own authority in relation to the group administrator/moderators to ascertain whether the existing hierarchy aligns with their own goals or values. In this, content moderators hold the responsibility to candidly establish the vetting procedures, community rules, mutual expectations of group participants, complaint procedures, and the warning signs of malicious peer behaviour prior to membership and to maintain those standards thereafter. As such, the current research serves to highlight this as an important recommendation for the management of online communities.
The final research question synthesises the 'online' and 'offline' identities of practitioners by exploring the extent to which the identities of people engaged in online communities focusing on the practice of modern witchcraft are salient in their offline, day-to-day experiences. Online anonymity allowed practitioners to form a digitised practice to accommodate when personal circumstances inhibited their paths and threatened social exclusion. After all, many participants had personal, professional, or familial situations that clashed with their belief systems. Shaping a 'digital identity' therefore accompanied processes of compartmentalisation and impression management. There was however an alternative strategy found within this study, which was that having a digital identity could also strengthen offline identity salience. The formation of in-person friendships, live video study groups, and the 'tips and tricks' that translated from online learning into physical practices were a few examples of this. An interesting finding was the act of gift exchange and social visits, where the physicality and intimacy of such interactions go beyond simply communicating online and suggests an integration between digital and face-to-face mediums. As such, the online and offline identities of practitioners are not discrete categories but rather a customised relationship that keeps in theme with the individualism of contemporary witchcraft.

Research implications
It is key to note that this study's sample had little homogeneity and therefore the generalisability of participants' identity constructions and experiences with online communities is limited. However, the aim of this research was to obtain a 'snapshot' of contemporary witchcraft from a psychological perspective rather than an all-encompassing interpretation of the subculture. This is because religious and spiritual movements of late modernity are in a continuous state of evolution, with practitioners absorbing new sociocultural and intersectional influences into their wider narratives as information becomes more accessible online (Cowan, 2005). Therefore, it would be useful to conduct additional interviews using alternative samples to support or refute the findings from this study. In this, one could incorporate the views of practitioners who have not yet been fully represented to further our understanding of the variety of witchcraft-related identities (e.g., more non-female practitioners, more cultural diversity, atheistic witches, etc.).
There were other aspects of our findings that would make fruitful avenues for future research. For example, participants' occupations were collected within the sample demographics. Although it falls outside the scope of the research questions identified within this study, it is interesting to note that some of these occupations fell into certain themes, for instance corporate/educational roles or jobs revolving around helping others. Future research could explore whether witchcraft practices are a subversion of conventional professional roles and if this can lead to cognitive dissonance. Likewise, it could explore whether helping others might link to the theme of witches feeling more outcast or being on the fringes of society. Another avenue identified within this study was the suggestion that there is an 'Us-Vs-Them' mentality when it comes to how witchcraft practitioners view socalled 'aesthetic witches'. It would be interesting to see whether this sense of social identity is weaker amongst the 'baby witches' who have limited knowledge compared to more seasoned practitioners. Moreover, one might consider doing a comparative study exploring whether simply incorporating the 'witchcraft aesthetic' into one's expression of identity provides the same sense of counterculture and mundane magic than committing to a practice (or, alternatively, if identity-based motivations differ between practicing and aesthetic witches).

Conclusions
This study has established that contemporary witchcraft practitioners negotiate their individual characteristics with a collective understanding of witchcraft's counterculture and the stereotypical representations depicted in wider cultures. Magical thinking and expression are used to navigate the social world when mainstream societies are exclusionary or constraining. Online communities can therefore help practitioners construct a 'digital identity', enabling them to form identity-affirming social bonds with like-minded peers and integrate unique blends of witchcraft knowledge that facilitate more personal depth than passively reading a book. This interactivity is often essential to how newly practicing witches shape their identities but can also be constrained or manipulated when peer-groups become too diverse. Online communities also influence out-group perceptions of witchcraft by making its aesthetic more mainstream, which has conflicting social consequences. In these findings are recommendations for future research, such as looking at how witchcraft-related identities are negotiated in professional contexts and through varying degrees of social identity. The current study provides a novel, timely, and valuable insight into contemporary witchcraft from a psychological perspective and contributes to broader debates about identities within online communities.
Author contribution All authors contributed to the conceptualization and administration of the project. Data curation, formal analysis, investigation and visualisation, were performed by Alexandra Frampton, who is the corresponding author. Methodology, supervision and validation were performed by Alexandra Grandison. The first draft of the manuscript was written by Alexandra Frampton and Alexandra Grandison contributed to the review and editing. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Funding The research was conducted as part of the requirements for an MSc Psychology (Conversion) at the University of Surrey and was not externally funded.

Data availability
Original interview recordings and transcripts have been anonymised and stored securely, in line with the guidelines provided by the University of Surrey's Research, Integrity and Governance Office (RIGO). All other data is contained within the manuscript.
Code availability Not applicable.

Declarations
Ethics approval The study received favourable ethical opinion from the University of Surrey Ethics Committee after completion of the Self-Assessment Governance and Ethics form for Humans and Data Research (SAGE-HDR).

Consent to participate
All participants gave informed consent in line with the guidelines provided by the University of Surrey's Research, Integrity and Governance Office (RIGO).
Consent for publication Participant consent information included details of plans for future publication in line with the guidelines provided by the University of Surrey's Research, Integrity and Governance Office (RIGO).

Conflicts of interest/Competing interests
On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of interest.
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