From Thieves to Martyrs: The Story of Two Jews from Early Modern Moravia

This paper focuses on the story of two Jewish men who were convicted of theft and executed in Prostějov, Moravia, in the spring of 1684. Although the two were offered a pardon in exchange for converting to Christianity, they resolutely refused. Their story was recorded in a contemporaneous Yiddish song that serves as the basis for the current case-study. The informative layer of the text portrays an event that can be contextualized within the campaign to proselytize Jews in the Bohemian lands at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Likewise, it indicates the great significance that Jews and Christians alike attributed to public conversions—or the lack thereof. From the formative perspective, the text crowns the two Jews as martyrs who died sanctifying God’s Name, disregarding their undenied legal culpability. Accordingly, this paper traces developments in the Ashkenazic ethos of martyrdom from the Middle Ages to the seventeenth century. It also highlights the shared cultural legacy that bound the larger early modern Ashkenazic communities, such as those in Amsterdam, Hamburg, Frankfurt, or Prague, to smaller Jewish settlements, like those of Moravia. Besides its hagiographical function, this historic song also imparts didactic and moralizing messages. It censures those who are too lenient vis-à-vis their children’s education as well as criticizing the habit of gambling, practices that may lead to criminal activities and push those involved to the margins of Jewish society.

In the spring of 1684, two Jewish men were convicted of theft and executed in Prostějov, 1 which at the time was one of the most important towns in the 1 This town's name in Yiddish is Prostits (  ‫פ‬  ‫ר‬  ‫ו‬  ‫ס‬  ‫ט‬  ‫י‬  ‫ץ‬  , standard spelling:  ‫פּ‬  ‫ר‬  ‫ָא‬  ‫ס‬  ‫ט‬  ‫י‬  ‫ץ‬ ), and in German it is known as Proßnitz. Moravia today forms part of the Czech Republic and, therefore, current Czech toponyms will be used throughout this article, unless the place has a common name in English, e.g., Prague.
Moravian Margraviate and home to a large Jewish community. 2 This seemingly ordinary criminal case probably would have been forgotten, had it not been recorded in a Yiddish song that framed it as an exemplary tale replete with an awe-inspiring title: "A Beautiful Song about Two Kedoshim Who Were Recently Executed over Kiddush Hashem in the Holy Community of Prostis." A single copy of this printed booklet, numbering eight pages (seventy-eight stanzas of four lines and an introduction of twenty-five rhyming couplets), survived in David Oppenheim's collection and today is found in the Bodleian Libraries in Oxford. 3 (For our English translation of this song, see appendix.) This Yiddish song (hereafter Eyn sheyn lid) narrates this tragic, somewhat balladic 4 story from a distinctly Jewish perspective. As such, Eyn sheyn lid necessarily confronts a significant conflict: on the one hand, it acknowledges the protagonists' act of theft (criticizing them for it in the introduction) 5 2 A rough calculation suggests that about 1,200-1,500 Jews lived in Prostějov at the time of the events described, accounting for a fourth of the town's population. See Jacob Freimann, "Geschichte der Juden in Prossnitz," Jahrbuch der Jüdisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft 15 (1923) (Berlin, 1852(Berlin, -1860, 572, no. 3692. Jacob Freimann made a brief reference to this song and presented a somewhat erroneous transcription of it in his "Geschichte der Juden in Prossnitz," 3 and 46-53. while, on the other hand, the song lauds the pair for their consistent refusal to be baptized, despite knowing that it would have earned them a pardon. This conflict distinguishes the current song from other texts mourning or lauding Jews who were falsely accused of theft, sentenced to death despite their innocence, and rejected offers to convert and thus gain a pardon. 6 This article offers a historical and cultural contextualization of the events described in Eyn sheyn lid, highlighting the beliefs and views at its foundation. As such, it improves our understanding of the dialectical move by which the execution of two men who had transgressed both common and Jewish law came to be perceived as an act of venerated martyrdom. Moreover, the recorded events serve as a case study that extends beyond the borders of Moravia, echoing the religious and ethical values and conflicts of early modern Ashkenazic society at large. Although both geographically and historically Moravia constituted a somewhat peripheral part of early modern Ashkenaz, it nevertheless was bound to greater traditional Ashkenazic centers, such as those in Amsterdam, Hamburg, Frankfurt, or Prague, affirming their shared cultural legacy.

Historical Context and Chronotope of the Song
The town of Prostějov lies in a strategic position in central Moravia, the eastern part of the Bohemian lands. At the time the events described in the song took place, Prostějov was part of the Plumlov Estate (Herrschaft Plumenau), which since the beginning of the seventeenth century had belonged to the noble family of the princes of Liechtenstein. Thus, local Jewish residents were also subjects of this family. 7 Moravian Jews represented an autonomous grouping of roughly fifty communities that abided by shared statutes and customs, and they were regulated by a supracommunal council (Va'ad Medinat Mehrin). 8 These communities, which since the late fifteenth century were concentrated in small and midsized noble towns, were self-sufficient entities with an urban character that maintained their own communal infrastructure, for example, a cemetery, ritual bath, rabbi, etc. 9 This distinguished them from the predominantly rural Jewish settlements in Bohemia and the German lands, which either lacked or shared such facilities. The Prostějov Jewish community, which boasted its own Hebrew printing press for a short period at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 10 as well as a yeshiva and a rabbinic establishment, was therefore commonly known as the "Jerusalem of the Haná region." 11 It was the second largest Jewish community in Moravia, following Mikulov (Nikolsburg), where the Moravian chief rabbi (Landesrabbiner) resided. This prestigious rabbinic position was taken up in around 1690 by the above-mentioned David Oppenheim, in whose collection Eyn shen lid has survived. 12 The events of the tumultuous seventeenth century, especially the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) and the Khmelnitsky Uprising (1648-1657), significantly affected the Prostějov Jewish community and its population. 13 During the Swedish invasion under the leadership of General Lennart Torstenson in the years 1642-1643 and 1645-1646, a number of Moravian towns were pillaged and members of both their Christian and Jewish populations were murdered. The massacres of Jews in many Moravian towns, including Prostějov, were depicted in three Hebrew elegies (selih . ot) by Rabbi Moshe ben Yishai Birgel. 14 These bloody events, along with the flow of refugees from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the Khmelnitsky massacres, and general messianic expectations, seem to account for the particular susceptibility of Prostějov's Jews to Sabbatianism. 15 Indeed, during the early modern period Prostějov was a crossroads for military troops, emigrants, refugees, merchants, peddlers, scholars, and yeshiva students who either passed through the town or settled there for some time. These transmigrations also probably explain why the author of this song, Hayyim ben Shalom, about whom we know nothing but his name and the fact that he hailed from Poland (see below), visited Prostějov.
Although the song's plot largely concerns criminal law, the generally widespread anti-Jewish prejudice also plays a role here. Throughout the period of the Thirty Years' War, Jews were criticized for purchasing stolen goods from looting soldiers, even though they were not the only ones to profit from the military situation. This accusation was also levelled in 1628 by the owner of the town of Prostějov, Prince Maximilian of Liechtenstein, demonstrating that the Jews had enough money to pay part of the contribution (tax) for his regiment. Jews also were accused of accompanying Imperial soldiers during their looting and of purchasing their booty in Prostějov. Likewise, in 1638, Prince Gundakar of Liechtenstein, guardian of the ruling Prince Karl Eusebius, specifically forbade the Jewish subjects in his dominions in Austria and Moravia (including Prostějov) from possessing stolen items or trading in them. 16 15 Oskar K. Rabinowicz, "Schabbatianer in Mähren im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert," unpublished manuscript, Gershom Scholem Archives, no. 1599/143, The National Library of Israel. This is supported by the ardent preaching of the Sabbatian Judah Leib Prostitz, as well as the residence of Rabbi Jonathan Eibeschütz in the local yeshiva. See Gershom Scholem, "Prossnitz, Judah Leib Ben Jacob Holleschau," in Encyclopaedia Judaica, 16 the estate, Prince Karl Eusebius, decided to place the Jewish community in Prostějov under the jurisdiction of the town and the municipality, including cases of criminal law. (Previously they were legally dependent on the owner of the estate.) The only exception was in religious matters: in this regard, the Jewish community was granted autonomy. 17 This order accounts for the fact that the song's protagonists were handed over directly to the town of Prostějov, and during the criminal proceedings there were no consultations with the estate's owner.
In the Bohemian lands during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, where the events described in Eyn sheyn lid took place, robbery, theft, and the trafficking of stolen goods were capital crimes. 18 A range of cases in which Jews were charged with these offences (particularly trafficking) are documented in Czech and in German in chronicles and town archives, as well as folksongs and broadside prints. These cases include, for instance, the execution of two Moravian Jews, Judah and Jonas, who in 1701 broke into a merchant shop in Velké Meziříčí. 19 Likewise, during the French army's occupation of Prague in 1742, a Jewish woman named Saka was convicted of stealing from a French woman who was accompanying the military regiments (Marktfrau); she was subsequently hanged. 20 Such records at times also entail anti-Jewish sentiment, particularly when the crime involved Church property and was defined as sacrilege. This kind of illegal activity was often associated with crimes that fell into the category of ex odio fidei ( mouc, 2001). In one of the folk songs, the hanged woman was mockingly referred to as "a worm" (ibid., 33, verse 13) and is reported to have called out beseechingly "Adonai!" before her execution (ibid., 232 n. 8). Similar vulgar elements and distorted records of Jewish prayers can also be found in a Christian report of a case from the year 1519 (about this case see n. 21 below). of Christianity), including accusations such as blasphemy, desecration of the host, ritual murder, or the murder of converts. 21 However, unlike the above-mentioned cases, we have been unable to find any further documentation of the main events described in Eyn sheyn lid. 22 Moreover, the text itself does not even indicate when and where it was printed, and although the author signed his name at the end of his composition-Hayyim son of Shalom from Poland-we have not found any further record of him. Despite this, external sources support certain peripheral historical details mentioned in the song. Likewise, it includes accurate descriptions of Prostějov's urban space, 23 as well as the interrogation and 21 For instance, in 1502 a reliquary was stolen from the Monastery Sancta Corona (Bohemia) and sold to Jewish traffickers inČeské Budějovice. In response, the town's municipality repeatedly called for the expulsion of the local Jewish community, and in the following years the Jewish residents were falsely accused of ritual murder. In 1505, at least twenty Jews were executed (burnt at the stake or drowned) and the rest were expelled indefinitely. judicial processes. 24 These factors, together with the author's mention that he visited Prostějov (epilogue) and his implication that he witnessed the reported events (stanza 73), endow the text with a significant degree of credibility. As we will explain, they also allow us to date the occurrences to the year 1684.
We can glean the following outline of events from the text of Eyn sheyn lid: On the night between Tuesday and Wednesday, March 13-14, 1684, two Jewish men broke into a house in Prostějov and stole unspecified goods. The first felon, Leib Wessel, apparently a middle-aged man, had an infamous reputation "in most Jewish communities of Moravia" (2). We may infer that he belonged to a class of poor vagabond Jews who moved through the Moravian countryside, sustaining themselves however they could, by both lawful and unlawful means. (Such Jews were often referred to as Betteljuden in German texts and arh . e parh . e in Hebrew and Yiddish texts. 25 ) Leib had a son named Zanwel who lived in the nearby town of Uherský Brod, but the two apparently had no contact. 26 There is no clear reference to Leib's wife (the mother of his son) and, curiously, nor is there a reference to the husband of the married Jewish woman interrogated on suspicion of assisting the crime-who claimed in her defense: "What do women know about what their husbands 24 The song depicts in detail the gradual stages of investigation, interrogation, and punishment. do?" (16,18). No other married Jewish man is mentioned in the text, possibly suggesting that she was Leib's wife and, for some unknown reason, the relevant information was omitted.
The second felon, Peretz son of Abraham, was a twenty-two-year-old man (i.e., born 1662). Unmarried, he lived with his impoverished parents in Prostějov and supported them through gambling, a dubious practice suggesting that he belonged to the margins of society. (The introduction criticizes gambling, lines 20-26.) 27 Peretz's poverty is also reflected in his (later broken) engagement to an orphaned girl, who very likely had a small dowry or none at all. The two Jews were assisted by a glazier who made them an iron instrument to use in carrying out the larceny. The song does not identify this man as a Jew, presumably implying that he was Christian. 28 All three men were caught within two days of committing the crime and were interrogated using torture. Their trial was held very quickly, although no clear details of it are given. Within less than a week of the arrests, 29 verdicts were reached: the glazier was sentenced to thirty-one lashes, 30 and the unnamed woman was acquitted. The two Jewish protagonists, by contrast, were sentenced to death. Their execution by hanging was set for Holy Thursday, 31 27 Likewise, the Moravian ordinances condemned gambling (cards and dice), both publicly and privately, and threatened violators with penalties. See Halperin, Takanot Medinat Mehrin, 92, no. 280. 28 If our identification of the accomplice glazier as a Christian is correct, this illustrates that Jewish criminals commonly cooperated with Christian criminals. This particular Christian collaborator may have had better knowledge of the non-Jewish environment and perhaps knew the daily habits of the owner of the goods. Similar patterns of such cooperation were analyzed by Ephraim Shoham-Steiner in his Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe (Detroit, 2021), revealing that organized crime in the premodern era provided a liminal space, enabling close relations between members of majority and minority groups, and that such contacts could be free of mutual prejudices. See also, idem, "Criminal Cooperation between Jews and Christians in Medieval Europe: A View from Some Inner Jewish Sources," in Medieval Ashkenaz: Papers Held at the 17th World Congress of Jewish Studies in Honor of Alfred Haverkamp, ed. Christoph Cluse and Jörg R. Müller (Wiesbaden, 2021), 263-75. 29 Death sentences were usually sent to the Appeals Court in Prague, but the short timeframe here implies that no appeal was submitted. Such an exception was possible due to the fact that the Jewish community of Prostějov was under full jurisdiction of the town council, including criminal matters. 30  ], a term we have not encountered elsewhere. In Yiddish calendars from the eighteenth century, Holy Thursday is called "White Thursday" or "Green Thursday." (We thank Dr. Bart Wallet for his assistance on this matter.) The German and Czech terms for this holiday, Zelenýčtvrtek or Gründonnerstag, also mention "green." March 30, when a fair was to be held in the town, thus ensuring the presence of many people from the town and surrounding area. This same day was also the first day of Passover (15th Nissan), 32 but strikingly the song makes no mention of this meaningful information. The author apparently withheld this fact deliberately, 33 perhaps in order not to associate this day, which according to rabbinic tradition should be the day of the redemption, 34 with the death of fellow Jews. The author's reason for omitting this date may very well be the exact reason that the Christian authorities rushed the trial and set the execution date, seeking to further humiliate the convicted felons, their community, and the Jewish faith at large.
Following the sentencing, Catholic priests repeatedly suggested that the two protagonists convert, offering them a pardon in return. However, the two felons consistently rejected these offers. To exert further pressure on the two prisoners to convert, they were held separately and had little contact with other Jews. Nevertheless, Leib and Peretz were still allowed Jewish religious items such as tefillin and a prayer book. Close to their execution, delegates from the Jewish community were permitted to visit them, providing them with religious rites and spiritual support.
On Holy Thursday, March 30, the execution was carried out in public. A large audience, which included Christian and Jewish residents of Prostějov, as well as visitors attending the fair, gathered to witness it. First, the crimes were announced in the market square. The glazier was forced to hold in his hands the rods with which he would subsequently be struck, apparently to humiliate him, 35 and he then received his punishment of lashes. Peretz and Leib Wessel were given another chance to convert and, after refusing, they were taken to the gallows outside town, near the Olomouc Gate. Broken by his arrest and torture, Leib Wessel was barely able to stand, and he was executed first. Immediately thereafter, Peretz was hanged. Both protagonists refused baptism until their last breath. Their bodies were then left hanging for more than two months, until they were taken down and buried in an open field-not a Jewish cemetery-on June 14. 36 In addition to the main narrative, the song 32 See 8a and 20b, implying that the protagonists' interrogation, trial, and sentencing were concluded within a day or two. 33 It should be noted that the author withholds information elsewhere in the song (albeit not as meaningful as in this case), e.g., the identity of the interrogated woman (16), or the details of the trial (18). 34 BT Rosh Hashanah 11b. 35 See van Dülmen, Theatre of Horror, 44-47, 49. The custom of publicly humiliating the criminals is perhaps also insinuated from Peretz's request that he not be given Wallachian trousers (40), although we have not been able to determine the exact meaning of this term. 36 The song describes this place as "Far away from the gallows, near the small village of Drshovits [Držovice]" (75b), i.e., outside the village. Držovice lied within the Plumlov Estate relates (17, 51-52) that the assigned executioner was an avid Jew-hater who was eager to hang the two. However, apparently through divine intervention, he lost his mind the day before the execution and fled town. He was replaced, however, by other executioners.
The main detail that helps determine the date of the events described is the reference to a recent massacre in nearby Uherský Brod. On July 14, 1683, this south Moravian town was attacked by Kuruc soldiers. They massacred its residents, both Christians and Jews, among them the renowned kabbalist Nathan Neta Hannover. 37 The fresh imprint of the event is reflected in Eyn sheyn lid. Indeed, when Peretz tries to comfort his parents, he asks them to think of him as a victim of that massacre (36). Likewise, we read that Leib Wessel was unaware whether his son, Zanwel, had survived the calamity (24). 38 Accordingly, a reasonable chronological setting for our song seems to be the following year, 1684. This assumption, reached also by Steinschneider, 39 is further supported by miscellaneous calendrical information scattered throughout the song. Indeed, in 1684 (5444) the new moon of Nissan fell on a Thursday (6, 8), and the 3rd of Tammuz also fell on a Thursday (74).
Another piece of historical evidence embedded in Eyn sheyn lid is the rabbinic figure of Elchanan son of Issachar Katz of Prostits, who witnessed the execution and supervised the burial of the two protagonists. 40 While we do not know the exact dates of his birth and death, some of his printed works have survived, and they indicate a late seventeenth-century setting. 41 Given the author's statement that he published the song soon after the burial of Leib but but did not belong to the estate's owners. . 38 We were unable to find mention of Leib Wessel's son in the above-mentioned elegy. 39 Steinschneider, Catalogus, 572, no. 3692. 40 The officiating rabbi at the time in Prostějov was She'altiel (Yiz . h . ak?) son of the renowned kabbalist Naftali Cohen; see Goldschmied, "Geschichte der Juden in Prossnitz," 501. However, he is not mentioned by his name, only by his title, Av beit din (69). 41  and Peretz (73), we assess that the text was likewise composed and printed in 1684.
From a book-history perspective, the song's typography and décor indicate that it was printed in Wilhermsdorf by Isaac Jüdels Katz of the Gershuni printing family of Prague. This printing house was active in 1684. 42 It therefore appears plausible that the Polish author of Eyn sheyn lid, Hayyim ben Shalom, journeyed in the Bohemian realm for an extended period, during which he visited Prague and may have established contacts with the Katz-Gershuni printing family. Indeed, Isaac Katz, who founded a printing house in Wilhermsdorf in 1669, employed and collaborated with Jews from Moravia and Poland in his workshop. 43 The geographical setting of Wilhermsdorf in Bavaria and outside Moravia, under the rule of Lutheran Count Wolfgang Julius of Hohenlohe-Neuenstein, was therefore an ideal place for the printing of Eyn sheyn lid, where censorship vis-à-vis the song's delicate content would be more lenient.
From a linguistic point of view, the song's language contains almost no Slavic words despite its Polish author and Bohemian setting. This is apparently due to the premodern literary Yiddish standard, which also addressed readers in western Europe. 44 The only Slavic lexeme that Eyn sheyn lid contains, ‫נ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ך‬ (the poor thing!, alas!; 37b, 37c, 38d, 41b), is a common exception to that rule. 45 By contrast, the use of the second person plural pronoun ‫ע‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ץ‬ and its conjugations 46 is typical of the Polish and Bohemian dialects of Yiddish, 47 as is the single occurrence of the plural imperative ending 42 We are grateful to Olga Sixtová (Prague) who was able to glean this detail for us.  48 The possessive pronoun ‫ז‬ ‫י‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ר‬ (their) is characteristic of eastern Yiddish but appears also in seventeenth-century letters from the Bohemian lands. 49 All these traits signal a local substrate of Yiddish, apparently the author's Polish dialect, or possibly the Bohemian dialect of the printer or one of his workers.
A broader historical context that improves our understanding of Eyn sheyn lid and further affirms its credibility is the song's documentation of missionary activity among Bohemian and Moravian Jews in the early modern period. 50 Following the Thirty Years' War, the Jewish population in these lands grew and the Habsburg authorities consequently sought to reduce it. This "reduction policy" converged with Catholic proselytizing efforts, notably carried out by the Jesuit order. 51 This missionary campaign involved, to mention a few examples, forcing Jews to listen to proselytizing sermons 52 Chone Shmeruk, "Ha-Kadosh Reb Shachna," in idem, Ha-Kriyah le-Navi: Meh . kerei Historiya ve-Sifrut, ed. Israel Bartal (Jerusalem 1999), 124 n. 11. 48 As all other plural imperatives end with only a ‫ט‬ (e.g., 28b, 30c, 36a), it seems that an effort was made to purge this particular dialectical trait from the text, perhaps by the publisher who sought to address a large readership. and the distribution of Christian books written in German in Hebrew letters (targeting Yiddish speakers). 53 Particular pressure was exerted on Jews who could be relatively easily manipulated, such as minors or convicts awaiting execution. 54 As illustrated in Eyn sheyn lid, Catholic clergymen endeavored to persuade the latter to convert in return for reduced punishment.
An example of a successful attempt to convert a convict waiting execution involved Manasse of Osoblaha, who was convicted of forging money in 1624 in Nysa (Silesia). 55 During his execution-he was sentenced to hang by his feet between two live dogs-he agreed to be baptized and, despite his serious wounds, survived. 56 By contrast, another Moravian Jew, Herschl Lebl, who was convicted of stealing money in 1733 in Boskovice, refused the offer of baptism on the scaffold, even daring to insult the local priest, and was executed. 57 In the time frame of our song, punitive measures against Jewish criminals condemned to death were far more painful and humiliating than the standard punishment given to Christian criminals. 58 Punishments and executions were usually conducted in public, but when Jews were involved in such events an anti-Jewish sermon was often given, and the audience remained in suspense as to whether the Jew would convert at the last minute. Although baptism could mitigate the physical pain of the execution, it nevertheless constituted part of the Jewish convict's public punishment, causing him, as well as his relatives and community, spiritual pain. While the conversion of Jews at the gallows constituted a relatively minor phenomenon, each instance of it nev- ertheless aroused excitement and interest in Christian culture. Indeed, a public baptism reflected-from a Christian perspective-the pastoral role of the Church and its superior social position. 59 In this respect, Eyn sheyn lid confirms that Jewish executions were orchestrated as a spectacular dark drama that should have ideally ended with conversion at the gallows.
Eyn sheyn lid also seems to record the custom that Jews went to their executions adorned with conspicuously Jewish artefacts, such as a religious head covering or tefillin. 60 This was intended to humiliate or punish not only the condemned but their entire religion. In this case, the song informs us that both Wessel and Peretz wore "wedding garments" (49), perhaps referring to the long white coat, known as kitl, traditionally worn by the bridegroom under the chuppah (wedding canopy). 61 This garment was also worn for other religious occasions and ultimately used as a burial shroud, which seems fitting in the given context. 62 By contrast, the two protagonists were not given tzitzit, sparking a rumor that they had converted to Christianity (49-50). However, the steady renunciation of this scenario in Eyn sheyn lid seems credible, reflecting the importance that Jews also attributed to these public conversions.

Literary Context
Eyn sheyn lid is an example of an Older Yiddish historical song, a literary genre that served the functional purpose of imparting news. Some fifty such songs from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have reached us, and scholars believe that many more have been lost. Printed as pamphlets close in time to the occurrence of events they report, and targeting Ashkenazic readers throughout Europe, these songs paved the way for modern newspapers. 63 The avant la lettre "journalistic" tendencies of the entire genre highlight that 59 Carlebach, Divided Souls, 39-46. 60 Ibid., 39. 61 We have found similar contemporaneous reports about executed Jews wearing white clothing. In 1519, in Prague, two Jewish thieves were brought to the gallows "wearing white robes and canvas hoods, legs sewn in canvas according to Jewish custom" (in the original Czech: "zobláčeni do bílých košilí a karkule plátěnné na hlavě, nohy také plátnem obšité podlé svého obyčeje židovského," Staré letopisyčeské, Rkp. III B 12, fol. 276r). Likewise, in the song about Shalom-Shachna, who was executed in 1682 in Kraków, we read that his father brought him white trousers and shirt, which Chone Shmeruk understood as shrouds, "Ha-Kadosh Reb Eyn sheyn lid offers a realistic report of historical events, thus adding to its credibility.
We find parallel genres to Yiddish historical songs in other European literatures, for example, the German Flugschriften and Neue Zeitungen 64 or the Czech kramářské písně. 65 Nevertheless, the Yiddish genre exhibits distinctively Jewish characteristics. These are not limited to the choice of themes and the narrative perspective, but include also references to Jewish liturgy in Hebrew, in particular the genre of kinot (elegies) and selih . ot (penitential prayers). 66 For instance, quotes and intertextual references are common, alongside formalistic borrowings, such as the use of an acrostic based on the Hebrew alphabet. 67 Indeed, Eyn sheyn lid begins with the words El male rah . amim ("Merciful God," the opening of the Hebrew prayer recited at funerals), and its stanzaic structure of quatrains is borrowed from a particular category of liturgy known as 'akedah piyyutim (see below).
An additional literary context that affected the composition of Eyn sheyn lid is contemporaneous Christian reports regarding convicted Jews who accepted baptism at the gallows. Texts containing detailed descriptions of such cases, at times attributing to them miraculous aspects, were transmitted through popular songs, printed booklets, and engravings. In addition, converts often wrote and published their biographies. 68 By the seventeenth century, the German genre of the Todesurteil (death sentence) had developed and achieved popularity. Works of this genre describe the life story of criminals (regardless of religion), enumerating the crimes they had committed and the various methods of torture used in their interrogation and trial. In cases involving Jews, such works also focused on their conversion. 69 In this regard, Eyn sheyn lid can be read as a Jewish reaction to Christian reports of conversion, establishing a narrative that strengthens Jewish religious identity. The song's narrative, and the very fact that it was written in Yiddish-the vernacular language used by all Ashkenazic Jews in the seventeenth century 70 -clearly indicate this. Also, while Christian reports of similar events often conceal the presence of a Jewish audience, Eyn sheyn lid emphasizes that local Jews attended the execution (54, [68][69]. Additional contemporaneous works of Yiddish literature adopted a similar ideological stance, depicting cases in which Jews who committed a crime and were sentenced to death refused a conversion that may have saved them or mitigated their sentence. For instance, a historical song from 1682 relates the story of Shalom-Shachna of Kraków, who was sentenced to death for trafficking artifacts stolen from a church. 71 According to the song's author, one Mordecai son of Abraham Melamed Zisels, the authorities demanded that Shalom-Shachna convert (which apparently would only lessen the cruelty of his execution), 72 but he refused and was executed in a very cruel manner. Consequently, the song calls him a kadosh and praises his behavior. Interestingly, while the Yiddish song acknowledges his criminal actions, a parallel source in Hebrew claims, perhaps out of respect for the deceased, that he was falsely accused. 73 It should be noted that early modern Jewish texts apply the term kadosh also to Jews who were killed by Christians in a wide array of circumstances that do not involve direct religious persecution, including lawful execution. 74 Nevertheless, here we understand this term to mean a conscious choice of martyrdom.  72 Shmeruk believes this would have earned him a pardon ("Ha-Kadosh Reb Shachna," 127), but the only relevant position in the song ("convert and we will leave you"; line 55) can be understood as a promise only to stop torturing him. 73  The song about Shalom Shachna significantly resembles Eyn sheyn lid in terms of the overall plot, and in particular the dramatic execution scene that describes the protagonists dressed in white clothes, reciting Shema Yisrael in their last moments, an announcement to their parents following their deaths, and reporting their burial as a source of consolation. In addition, both songs warn their readers to learn a lesson and not break the law. Given the Polish origins of Eyn sheyn lid's author, he may have been acquainted with this song, composed only two years before the Prostějov incident, and based his work upon it. Yet the only known copy of the Kraków song is a manuscript, and we do not know whether it was ever printed, thus mitigating the likelihood that it was read by an itinerant man such as Hayyim ben Shalom. Moreover, considering that both texts report similar cases of criminality and subsequent executions, their great resemblance could hardly be avoided. Likewise, a comparison of the two works did not reveal any direct reciprocal influence: stylistically, the Kraków song uses mostly colloquial language and repeats entire lines, 75 and it was written in some 150 rhyming couplets. By contrast, Eyn sheyn lid was written in stanzas and is twice as long, and its poetic style is more elevated. Notably, it makes ample use of the Hebrew component of Yiddish, suggesting that its author received a rabbinic education. Furthermore, the Kraków song includes much more violence than the Prostějov songapparently drawn from reality; indeed, torture was used not only to coerce Shalom-Shachna to confess his crime but also in the efforts to persuade him to convert and as revenge at his refusal to do so. Thus, his execution was not a mere hanging but a horrific combination of shooting, stoning, additional torture, and hanging. From an ideological perspective, we find no use of the 'akedah motif in the song about Shalom Shachna (see below), and it entails anti-Christian terminology and sentiment, 76 whereas Eyn sheyn lid lacks such terms and is much more respectful and/or fearful vis-à-vis Christianity. 77 A further example of a similar case is found in the memoirs of Glikl Hamel: she relates the story of two Jews who stole diamonds from a Christian in Glückstadt. The two were sentenced to death but were offered a pardon in exchange for converting. In this case, one of the men agreed to convert and was subsequently released, whereas the other refused and was executed. Glikl harshly criticizes the convert and praises the executed man. 78 75  In this regard, it is possible to discern two different perspectives within Eyn sheyn lid. While the body of song (stanzas 1-78) concentrates on the religious aspect of withstanding the temptation to convert, voicing nothing but praise for the protagonists, 79 the introduction (lines 4-28) is critical of the theft and the protagonists, also censuring Peretz's upbringing and his gambling. It is possible that the introduction was a later addition to the original song, a claim that cannot be proved but is supported by the reference to the song's author in the third person (line 13). However, this duality could also be attributed to a literary norm that distinguishes between the historical report itself and its analysis in the introduction. Infants and women vowed themselves to be bound together, choice lambs in the Chamber, of the House of Fire. Only One and Exalted, better slain and bowed for Your sake, than to bow the head before the "spawn of fornication" . . . Once we relied on the Binding on the Mountain of Myrrh, and this would stand up for us as a hidden [treasure] for the salvation for every generation, to beware These and like these were added [now] until it is impossible to tell. Living One, the acquittal of their hopes keep for us and end our destitution. 86 The stanzaic structure of these poems, comprised of four lines and a monorhyme, alongside a unique melody, influenced various texts in Hebrew and in Yiddish that touch upon the theme of the 'akedah, including Eyn sheyn lid. Indeed, the Binding of Isaac continued to constitute a central religious ethos in Ashkenazic thought also in the early modern period. We see this first and foremost in the High Holiday liturgy, in which the Binding of Isaac constitutes a recurring motif and 'akedah piyyutim were recited. 87 Likewise, seventeenth-century Yiddish literature is replete with such motifs. Two additional historical songs written to the tune of the 'akedah melody (see below) connect the calamities they report with the biblical narrative. Also, Yudisher shtam, a popular Yiddish poem retelling the story of the Binding of Isaac and written in the same stanzaic formula as 'akedah piyyutim, was reprinted repeatedly. 88 Near the end of the edition of Yudisher shtam published in mid-seventeenth-century Prague, we find the following statement: "Dear people, remember the Binding of Isaac! For the sake of God, you should agree to be burnt and hanged!" 89 By connecting contemporary persecutions with the biblical narrative, this interpretation of the Ashkenazic ethos clearly instructed persecuted Jews as to how they should behave when confronting harsh choices. 90 Interestingly, reports of the persecution of Jews in the Khmelnitsky Uprising, which is much closer chronologically and geographically to the setting of Eyn sheyn lid, make relatively few references to the 'akedah motif. 91 This may be attributed to the fact that, unlike during the Crusades, religion was not the main factor motivating these persecutions. (The term Kiddush Hashem could also be used to describe cases in which Jews were murdered because of their religious identity but did not actively choose this death.) 92 In view of this, various ostensibly trivial details in Eyn sheyn lid could in fact be intertextual references to the Binding of Isaac, associating the Prostějov protagonists with this biblical narrative. For instance, the concern of young Peretz for his parents (37-38): "All my life I fought for their sake . . . / How lonely I leave them in their old age, / Who will provide or care for them?" These words can, of course, be taken at face value. However, they may also reference Isaac's moving concern for his parents prior to his near death. This element does not appear in the biblical text but is depicted in various retellings of the story, such as the above-mentioned Yiddish poem Yudisher shtam, 93  He said to him, "We know that after you, our days will be few. He who comforted us before you were born will comfort us again after today." 94 Similarly, we discussed above the song's portrayal of the two executed men as dressed in "wedding clothes" (49). While there is historical evidence that executed Jews were typically given religious garments and objects, the choice of wedding clothes (understood in this case to be a white kitl) is puzzling. First, it is debatable whether Christian spectators would have perceived this as a typically Jewish garment. Second, if the executed men were dressed "as Jews," why were they not given tzitzit? Moreover, we must ask why the author identified the traditional white garment as wedding clothes and not shrouds? The answer to this puzzle may lie in a literary trope. Indeed, this element may be understood as presenting the soon to be executed Peretz as an Isaac figure, who in some Ashkenazic retellings is portrayed as facing his near death as happy as a bridegroom. For instance, Midrash Vayosha relates how Isaac prepared the altar for his own sacrifice: "Isaac was like a man getting ready for the h . uppah [wedding canopy], which one does joyfully." 95 This perspective appears also in the Yiddish poem Yudisher shtam: "Both father and son comforted each other in their mutual distress and great sorrow. Isaac himself stacked the wood on the altar, like a bridegroom who rejoices at his wedding canopy." 96 This reading is further reinforced by the description of Peretz going happily to the gallows in Eyn sheyn lid (59, 67).

The Ashkenazic Ethos of Martyrdom and the Binding of Isaac
Further similarities between Eyn sheyn lid and the classic 'akedah narrative include emphasizing Peretz's young age, insinuating that he is a child, as well as depicting the two protagonists as pious Jews (despite their criminal background and transgression of the strong prohibition against theft): beyond their choice to die and not convert, the two pray, don tefillin, perform ritual hand washing, request a ritual burial, etc. Finally, Eyn sheyn lid ends in the same manner as 'akedah piyyutim, invoking God's ancient promise to Abraham (76).
In addition to connecting our text with this Ashkenazic ethos of martyrdom, these similarities also slightly undermine its credibility. Such literary tropes cast doubt on the reliability of the details they provide. Indeed, the author may have added them to the narrative to create a more complete story. 94

Musical Framing
Although they were printed as relatively cheap reading materials, Yiddish historical songs, as their name suggests, were meant for acoustic performance, and they usually mention the melody to which they should be sung. 97 At times the accompanying melody merely embellished the text-an important factor for a product sold in the free market-but in other cases it infused it with meaning. Certain melodies bore a strong character of their own, affecting the reception of the text and framing the song as sad, happy, parodic, etc. Ashkenazic Jews did not use musical notation until the modern era, and thus instructions regarding which melody should be used for a particular song were imparted using a contrafactum reference to a more well-known song. Usually, the words niggun or ton were used for "melody." Eyn sheyn lid mentions two possible melodies, niggun 'akedah or niggun Braunes lid, both of which can he characterized as tragic.
The first melody, niggun 'akedah, refers to the Binding of Isaac, connecting the text with the religious theme discussed above. It is assumed that niggun 'akedah stems from the Middle Ages and was first used to accompany texts retelling the biblical narrative, such as the Hebrew 'akedah piyyutim or the Yiddish Yudisher shtam. 98 Over time, this melody became so strongly associated with the biblical narrative that it ipso facto invoked it, including the associated notion of Jewish martyrdom, even in other texts. This applies to Eyn sheyn lid, for instance.
The second melody, Braunes lid, is not connected with the color brown but rather with the city of Braunschweig, and the medieval Netherlandish/Low German ballad Der Herr von Braunschweig. 99 This identification is affirmed by the similar metrical structure of the two texts (stanzas of four lines), and especialy by the content of Braunes lid-relating the tragic story of a cruel landowner who prosecuted a (non-Jewish) child for shooting a rabbit on his 97 Shmeruk, Yiddish Literature, 70. 98 Roman and Schleifer, "Niggun 'Akedah," 1-41. 99  property, insisting that the child be executed by decapitation, despite the parents' efforts to save him. Thus, the melodies designated for Eyn sheyn lid not only served decorative purposes but were also a tool of interpretation. Both signalled to the audience the song's tragic content, while the 'akedah melody also drew a parallel between the two men from Prostějov and Jewish martyrdom. This melody echoes the political-religious context of the Bohemian lands in the late seventeenth century mentioned above, when forced conversion to Christianity posed a real threat to Jews.
In connection to musical framing, we discovered a highly significant piece of external evidence regarding the cultural reception of Eyn sheyn lid. In a historical song about the plague epidemic that spread through Prague in 1713, the title page states that the song should be sung be-niggun prostitser kedoshim, i.e., to the melody of the martyrs from Prostějov! 100 Since we do not know of any other case of martyrs from Prostějov, this appears to refer to Eyn sheyn lid. 101 As was noted above, musical singing instructions made reference to a popular song with which most people were familiar; likewise, they were constantly changing. 102 Therefore, it seems that Eyn sheyn lid was still popular nearly thirty years after it was published. Moreover, it was so popular that its name replaced the classical 'akedah or Braunes lid melodies.

Conclusion
The seventeenth-century text Eyn sheyn lid clearly bears the mark of Baroque culture, which dominated central Europe at the time, and was characterized by dramatic gestures, antithetical contrasts, tensions, and conflicts. Accordingly, the Yiddish song displays the intricacy of Jewish-Christian coexistence, shaping the social order, family relations, and community values in the shadow of the noble religious principle of Kiddush Hashem, Jewish martyrdom. Likewise, both the song's content and the circumstances of its production reflect the imprint of migration in the early modern era, caused by political, social, and cultural factors.
This paper sought to demonstrate that the song is historically credible and mirrors real events, despite the lack of further evidence regarding this case. Nevertheless, the informative aspect of the text stands in the shadow of its formative function: shaping piety and ethics among early modern Ashkenazic Jews. The body of the song provides an example of model behavior in the face of the harsh dilemma between conversion or death.
The song's introduction, which seems to be a somewhat later addition to the original historical report, is written in an even stronger didactic and moralizing tone, thus serving as an interpretative key to the main text. In addition to praising the decision to die sanctifying God's Name, the introduction addresses, critically, topics that are absent from the main narrative. Perhaps seeking to balance the failure of the main text to censure the predicate act, the introduction calls upon readers to note the disadvantages of theft. Further, it claims that criminal behavior is the result of a bad rearing, urging readers to educate their children strictly. It also condemns gambling, Peretz's ostensible source of income. A close reading of the discrepancy between the historical report and the introduction likewise highlights aspects of the cultural history and social order of early modern Ashkenazic Jews. In particular, we emphasized the critical attitude of the introduction in contrast to the subtle sympathy expressed by the main text for those on the margins of the Jewish community.
Indeed, the core of Eyn sheyn lid represents both a continuation and a transformation of the medieval Ashkenazic ethos of Kiddush Hashem (which is in turn based on ancient Jewish traditions). Echoing the collective memory created in the wake of the First Crusade, and referencing the biblical narrative of the Binding of Isaac, it lauds the individual choice not to abjure the Jewish religion even at the cost of one's life. At the same time, this early modern song transforms this ethos, offering a new type of a hero-shifting from innocent victims of anti-Jewish persecution to undeniably criminal characters. Still, the fact that these criminals resisted the temptation to convert and thus save themselves made them an example worthy to be followed.
As we have demonstrated, Eyn sheyn lid should also be read in the context of contemporaneous public executions of Jewish criminals, which at times ended in public conversion. As such, it can be seen as a Jewish literary response to enthusiastic Christian reports of Jews who actually converted. Furthermore, we noted that not only verbal content was instrumental in the transmission of the song's main religious-ethical message. Indeed, the musical framing was also of great importance. As the later reception of Eyn sheyn lid suggests, all the components discussed here made this song popular and attractive for decades following its publication. Thus, we see that even convicted thieves could achieve the status of venerated martyrs and be forgiven for their crimes-if they performed an act of Kiddush Hashem.
Pavel Kocman, Peter Sh. Lehnardt, Simon Neuberg, Martin Štindl, and the anonymous readers for Jewish History. We take full responsibility for any errors.
Funding Note Open access publishing supported by the National Technical Library in Prague.

Competing Interests The authors declare no competing interests.
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Eyn sheyn lid / A Beautiful
[5] That one should care little for this world and only prepare for the world to come. Take some time, and you will hear about the act of Kiddush Hashem that two people performed. They gave their life for the sake of Kiddush Hashem, one of them an old man, the other did not yet have a wife. The young kadosh may have been able to save his life, but for the sake of Kiddush Hashem let himself be hanged near the other. He did not want to deny the God of Israel, that God is everywhere. [10] You will also hear and see remarkable things that happened to the executioner.
He rejoiced greatly in this, but one day before it he lost his mind and went insane. He hoped for their death for a long time, but one day beforehand he ran away, a crazy man. You will also hear how it all happened; from the time they were arrested until they were hanged. The writer also included [a description of] the theft, not meaning to shame the kedoshim, God forbid, but rather expecting that they might merit from it in heaven, when the whole world learns a lesson from them. [15] That no one should do such things anymore, but rather leave people's possessions be. And whatever God did not give a man, he should not take himself, and if one is indeed poor, he should not be ashamed of his poverty. It is better that he [work] hard with his own hands to feed himself, at any type of work, the main thing is to retain his dignity. Poverty is no shame at all, many people are members of this company, most of them honest and honorable. One more moral will come from this [song], that everyone should punish his child when he is still little.
[20] And whoever has children in the cradle should bend the tree when it is still young. Not let them get the upper hand, so that the parents will not endure shame.
Not let any child have his own way, especially not let him win a game. Therefore, the rod should not be spared, for playing brings no good.
Had the parents of the young kadosh not owned nor given him games, he may perhaps still be alive.
[25] They did not forbid it because that is how he sustained them. Apart from that, one could not detect any evil in him, really. Only that he, unfortunately, let himself be lured into stealing. Therefore, dear people, no one should let this booklet escape him, [even] spare [food] from your mouth.
Do not care about the little money [it costs], perhaps you may also enjoy their merit.
1. El male rah . amim, merciful Father, Redeem us quickly, that we should be rid of our exile, Withdraw your anger from your people Israel, Look favorably upon the merit of the two kedoshim who were [executed] in the holy community of Prostits. 2. An old man, Leib Wessel was his name, He was well known in most Jewish communities of Moravia, They said many things about him, May his pious soul not be ashamed. 3. The other one was called Perez . ben Avram, a mere mortal child, A person the like of whom you rarely find, He was the only son to his father and mother, At the age of twenty-two he became a kadosh. 4. A few weeks before he was arrested, He became engaged to an orphaned maid. Later the engagement was canceled, The orphan was not destined to be his wife. 5. Now every person should pray to God, day and night, That He should save him from evil thoughts, From the Evil Inclination and bad company, That seek to tempt human beings. 6. As the kedoshim let themselves unfortunately be tempted, They discerned an opportunity to steal from a townsman. One Wednesday, at midnight, They impoverished him.
27. From there the community leaders went with the judge to Perez . , He received them in such a friendly manner, He quickly asked them for forgiveness, "Praised be God that I see Jews once again. 28. "Dear people, I entreat you, Tell my father that I did not abandon the Jewish faith, They should not worry about this at all, I would rather go to my death today than tomorrow. 29. "They should not go to great trouble for my sake, It was so decreed for me on Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah, I go to my death with great delight, It is better than spending my youth in prison. 30. "I would like to have my hair and nails cut, Before I leave this sinful world, I would also like a close friend to walk near me, That he may be able to relate that I remained loyal to the Jewish faith. 31. "If Jews may otherwise not be tolerated there, I ask very much that some will dress up [as non-Jews], That they [-] not be hit, And be able to [-] my death." 32. The judge said that it is hard to allow this, [-] will permit the shaving of his beautiful hair, Perhaps he will still convert. He said: "I will surely not live to an old age. 33. "No, I do not think about that at all, Even if my life would be spared at the last moment, Because for me dying is not a source of sorrow, I would even like musicians to accompany me to my death." 34. The judge said: "We will leave it for now, As four or five days still remain, You will speak differently in those circumstances. Now, Perez . , ask for what you would like to eat." 35. Perez . laughed at the [mention of] food.
He said: "For what purpose? Should I prepare a meal for the birds and ravens?! I have already put aside eating and drinking The past is now gone forever. 36. "Now, dear esteemed community leaders, please tell my father and mother That they should not cry and lament much over me, They should find comfort for what I have done, And imagine that I died in the Brod calamity.
37. "I wish to ask you something more. All my life I fought for their sake, poor things, I helped sustain them, miserable things, in any way I could, I shared with them whatever God gave me. 38. "How lonely I leave them in their old age, Who will provide or care for them? Therefore, my solemn request to you is this, Remember those poor people, and do not forsake them. 39. "They should look after my sister H . ayele's orphaned boy, And find comfort in him, I swear, Never yield to evil thoughts, And learn from my lesson. 40. "Now I want nothing more from this world, Only that you should make me trousers and a shirt of coarse linen, Definitely do not make me Wallachian trousers, That I should not be mocked at the gallows. 41. "I also ask you to make efforts that I will not hang long, That my poor body be given a Jewish burial, I do not wish to trouble you anymore than this, In these few [remaining] days, do come and visit me." 42. The community leaders were very much comforted by his words.
They said: "Blessed be you and your soul, We ask you, for God's sake, say nothing bad about their faith, So that you will not put the Jewish public, God forbid, in any danger." 43. And when it was three days before [the execution], How firmly the prison doors were held closed, No Jew was allowed in to determine their wellbeing, Day and night the priests pestered them. 44. Both their prayer books and tefillin were confiscated, They thought they could persuade them. 47. "And if I were to agree to be baptized, I would run away at the last moment. Therefore, I ask you, give me peace of mind, And just let me die a Jew." 48. The judge was asked to allow Jews to visit them.
He said: "They are no longer in my power, However, should the priests wish to allow Jews to visit them, Then I would also be very pleased." 49. On Thursday, early in the morning, when they were to be hanged, Their wedding clothes were brought before the judge.
He said: "They should be dressed in these clothes." But they were given no arba' kanfot. 50. Therefore, people in the Jewish community could not help but think, And assume that they had been swayed away from the Jewish faith. But they suspected innocent people, As you will read below. 51. The outcome of the aforementioned new executioner, [his behavior] and his great joy, Surely displeased God, blessed be He, That man lost his mind one day before [the execution], He now runs barefoot in the forests like a wild animal. 52. These remarkable things were noticed, That the kedoshim possessed great merits. The executions had to be carried out by other hangmen, That same hangman was neither seen nor heard of again. 53. On Holy Thursday morning, between seven and eight o'clock, People were eager to see the great event, People from a radius of ten miles gathered en masse, It was just before the day of the big weekly market prior to their holidays. 54. The Jewish community did not know what to do, Whether to stay in their houses or [go] to the market square. The conclusion was reached, not to hide, That they should not arouse any more hatred of the Jews. 55. The hangmen dragged Leib Wessel, bound up, out of prison, They threw him on a garbage cart. Perez . was led on foot close by, The glazier was given brooms [to hold] in his hands. 56. In the market square a big announcement was made before them, The glazier was bound naked to the pillory. How horribly they treated him, They gave him thirty-one lashes.
57. Every lash that was given, Blood splattered cubits away, He was bound tightly to the column, Each scream could be heard from a quarter of a mile away. 58. The priests said: "Did you see what happened to the glazier?
Well, soon the glazier will watch you too. Therefore, you should still convert, Truly you may find grace." 59. "No," they said, "leave the matter be." Perez . walked quite energetically, dancing and laughing. They kept on saying: "Leave us alone." They were taken to the Olomouc Gate. 107 60. Leib Wessel cried out from the wagon with a clear voice, Shema Yisrael and Adonai hu ha-Elohim. Perez . asked the public for forgiveness from afar, The priests did not allow any Jew to come near them. 61. And as they were already standing in front of the gate, Half of the Jewish community was behind and in front of them, On one side Jews were chased away, On the other side they nevertheless ran there. 62. It is impossible to describe the massive crowd that gathered there, No one within a radius of ten miles stayed at home, They came on foot and on horse [to see] the hanged men, You could not drop an apple to the ground. 63. When they were not far from the gallows, The priests said: "Now you have time, Do you wish to become blessed? Tell us now, Because soon it will be your last hour." 64. "No," they told them. "We will not sin against the God of the Jews, Just do quickly what you want to do." How quickly the executioners carried Leib Wessel up the ladder, With a loud voice he cried Adonai hu ha-Elohim and Shema Yisrael. 65. Before you could take a look, It was already all over for him. With Perez . they lingered more, The priests still persisted greatly with him. 66. And when they saw that he will not be moved from faith in the One, Very angrily they let him go on, "If you do not wish to follow us, Then go up there, to the high gallows." 76. Almighty God, when You remember the merit of the 'akedah, Please remember these two kedoshim as well, And save your people Israel from all evil, And send the Messiah to redeem us. 77. Well, dear people, young and old, big and small, Let this serve you as an example and a lesson. From now on, do not let anyone mislead you to do evil, Thus, we will be so lucky that u-vah le-z . iyyon go'el ve-khen yehi raz . on. 110 ***** 78. This song is not offered at any set price, For it was printed as a godly book. Therefore, the more one pays for it, The longer may he live.