Abstract
In this chapter the authors consider major structural factors contributing to the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons in Africa. Stemming from the legacy of colonial domination, widespread extreme poverty, porous borders, and competition over natural resources, the majority of Africa’s 54 states have struggled to establish effective regulatory systems to control small arms trading activities and ensure legitimate possession and use of such arms and ammunition. Citing concrete cases and data, the authors illustrate how demand for such weapons is driven by very high levels of recurring armed conflict as well as by pervasive patterns of armed violence and state repression. Most supplies originate from outside the continent as local factory production is relatively small. However, mismanagement and corruption in procurement and stockpile security, as well as cross-border trafficking and political conflict, contribute to their diversion into a multitude of illicit markets and into the hands of unauthorized users including organized crime and terrorist groups. The authors argue that frameworks of international law and standards could provide African states with a relatively comprehensive basis to develop systems of national regulation and accountability for the trade and use of small arms, but that such developments depend on much greater political will to do so and public awareness of the problems and solutions, as well as the provision of appropriate technical and financial assistance by the international community.
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Notes
- 1.
The political independence of two other countries in Africa, Somaliland and Western Sahara, is disputed.
- 2.
The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) collect data assiduously on armed conflict and violence but the data relies on media sources and public reports.
- 3.
A ‘state-based armed conflict’ is defined by UCDP as a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths in one calendar year (https://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/).
- 4.
A ‘non-state conflict’ is defined by UCDP as the use of armed force between two organized armed groups, neither of which is the government of a state, which results in at least 25 battle-related deaths in a year (https://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/).
- 5.
For example, the UCDP definitions used for ‘armed conflict’ and particularly ‘violence’ do not correspond to definitions in international human rights law and standards concerning ‘arbitrary killings’ and ‘the arbitrary use of force’ nor with the definition of ‘non-international armed conflict’ in international humanitarian law which where hostilities reach the level of ‘protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such armed groups’ (International Criminal Tribunal on the Former Yugoslavia v Tadic, IT-94-1-AR72, Decision on the Defence Motion for Interlocutory Appeal on Jurisdiction, 2 October 1995, para. 70, Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions).
- 6.
UCDP data on ‘one sided violence’ is available here: https://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/.
- 7.
The omission of extrajudicial executions from its definition of ‘one sided violence’ may lie behind UCDP claiming that ‘with a few exceptions, most notably Rwanda in 1994, non-state actors have targeted civilians more frequently than states have’ (Pettersson et al. 2019).
- 8.
Annual Reports of the South African Police Service for the years 2000/2001 to 2016.
- 9.
For the 2020 list of UN and EU arms embargoes, see GRIP https://embargo.grip.org/.
- 10.
Unfortunately the majority of African countries had not reported on the numbers of their police—see https://dataunodc.un.org/data/crime/Police%20personnel [accessed 10 May 2020].
- 11.
As reflected in low scores in the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index or in the World Bank’s Control of Corruption scores.
- 12.
Most of Africa’s population live in what the World Bank calls ‘extreme poverty’ defined as less than $1.90 per day According to World Bank data, 56% of the poorest people in the world live in Sub-Sahara Africa.
- 13.
For recent cases of individuals being under investigation see UNSC (2017b).
- 14.
On diversion from stockpiles see also annexes 6.1 and 6.2 (UNSC 2014d).
- 15.
See African Union Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation (https://au.int/en/treaties/african-union-convention cross-border-cooperation-niamey-convention); African Union Border Programme (http://www.peaceau.org/en/page/27-au-border-program-aubp); Relevant policy and program commitments for all States are found in the UN Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) of 2001 and the provisions of the International Tracing Instrument (2005), as well as the International Small Arms Control Standards (ISACS series 05.60).
- 16.
For example, see the European Union Support program for integrated border management in Burkina Faso (PAGIF-BF) (https://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/node/108679_pl).
- 17.
See for example, proposals by ACCORD—https://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/security-conflict-management-african-borderlands.
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Wood, B., Danssaert, P. (2021). Africa Armed Violence and the Illicit Arms Trade. In: Pérez Esparza, D., Ricart, C.A.P., Weigend Vargas, E. (eds) Gun Trafficking and Violence. St Antony's Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65636-2_7
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