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Beyond Good Queen Anne: Anne of Bohemia, Patronage, and Politics

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Medieval Elite Women and the Exercise of Power, 1100–1400

Part of the book series: The New Middle Ages ((TNMA))

Abstract

Anne of Bohemia (1366–1394), Richard II of England’s first queen, is routinely depicted as a paragon of Victorian female virtues—an apolitical and devoted wife who sought to ensure peace. This chapter explores how Anne of Bohemia made use of the traditional duties of queenship (intercession, cultural patronage, religious patronage) to craft for herself a political persona that was unexceptional and acceptable to her English subjects. Anne was a notable patron and an especially active intercessor. She communicated with her natal family and kept abreast of continental politics. Queenship, as an office, consisted of a number of conventional political tasks, which, while not always flashy, still meant that the political involvement of elite medieval women was routine and commonplace.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See George B. Stow, “Stubbs, Steel, and Richard II as Insane: The Origin and Evolution of an English Historiographical Myth,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 143:4 (1999): 623–629.

  2. 2.

    Ranulph Higden, Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden Monachi Cestrensis; Together with the English Translations of John Trevisa and of an Unknown Writer of the Fifteenth Century, ed. J. R. Lumby, 9 vols. (London: Longman & Co., 1865–1886), 8:497.

  3. 3.

    S.D.H. Holton, “Richard the Redeless,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (1896): 128.

  4. 4.

    Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England, 12 vols. (Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard, 1841), 2:313.

  5. 5.

    Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 455–456.

  6. 6.

    Marion Facinger, “A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France, 987–1237,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (1968): 3–48; Jo Ann McNamara and Suzanne Wemple, “The Power of Women Through the Family, 500–1100,” Feminist Studies 1 (1973): 126–141.

  7. 7.

    Hilda Johnstone, “The Queen’s Household,” in Chapters in the Administrative History of Mediaeval England: The Wardrobe, the Chamber, and the Small Seals, ed. T. F. Tout, 6 vols. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1930), 5:231–289; Hilda Johnstone, “The Queen’s Household,” in The English Government at Work, 1327–1336, Vol. I: Central and Prerogative Administration, ed. James F. Willard and William A. Morris (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1940), 1:250–299. Facinger, however, was not looking at bureaucracy primarily from a fiscal standpoint as Johnstone was.

  8. 8.

    Lisa Benz St. John, Three Medieval Queens: Queenship and the Crown in Fourteenth-Century England (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 65–94, esp. 70, 73, 94.

  9. 9.

    Joanna L. Laynesmith, The Last Medieval Queens: English Queenship 1445–1503 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), esp. 22, 26; introduction and conclusion.

  10. 10.

    Carolyn P. Collette, Performing Polity: Women and Agency in the Anglo-French Tradition, 1385–1620 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 99.

  11. 11.

    St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 24.

  12. 12.

    Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith: Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997, 2001), 163.

  13. 13.

    St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 74.

  14. 14.

    St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 76.

  15. 15.

    Laynesmith, The Last Medieval Queens, esp. 22, 26–27, 30, 95, 263 (quote); Laynesmith, “Fertility Rite or Authority Ritual? The Queen’s Coronation in England, 1445–87,” in Social Attitudes and Political Structures in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Tim Thornton (Stroud: Sutton, 2000), 52–68; Laynesmith, “Crowns and Virgins: Queenmaking During the Wars of the Roses,” in Young Medieval Women, ed. Katherine J. Lewis et al. (Stroud: Sutton, 1999), 47–51.

  16. 16.

    See Footnote 15 above.

  17. 17.

    St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 2, 4–5.

  18. 18.

    Anthony Tuck, “Richard II and the House of Luxembourg,” in Richard II: The Art ofKingship, ed. Anthony Goodman and James L. Gillespie (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 214–217.

  19. 19.

    Kristen Geaman, “A Personal Letter Written by Anne of Bohemia,” English Historical Review 128:534 (October 2013): 1086–1094; Geaman, “Anne of Bohemia and Her Struggle to Conceive,” Social History of Medicine 29:2 (May 2016): 224–244.

  20. 20.

    Anne Crawford, “The Queen’s Council in the Middle Ages,” English Historical Review 116:469 (November 2001): 1194.

  21. 21.

    Crawford, “The Queen’s Council,” 1203. Crawford notes that specific records of the queen’s council date only from the 1400s (1195), but the patent rolls and other sources provide evidence the council existed centuries earlier.

  22. 22.

    Calendar of Patent Rolls, Richard II, 1381–1385 (London, 1895, 1985–1909), 125–126, 203. Hereafter CPR, Richard II, [date].

  23. 23.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 263.

  24. 24.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 579 and CPR, Richard II, 1385–1389, 7.

  25. 25.

    CPR, Richard II, 1388–1392, 23.

  26. 26.

    CPR, Richard II, 1385–1389, 365.

  27. 27.

    CPR, Richard II, 1388–1392, 514 and CPR, Richard II, 1391–1396, 285.

  28. 28.

    CPR, Richard II, 1391–1396, 72.

  29. 29.

    CPR, Richard II, 1391–1396, 324.

  30. 30.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 553.

  31. 31.

    St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 77.

  32. 32.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 553.

  33. 33.

    Saul, Richard II, 87–88, 112–117.

  34. 34.

    CPR, Richard II, 1385–1389, 15.

  35. 35.

    CPR, Richard II, 3:15; Simon Walker, “Abberbury family (per. c.1270–c.1475),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, accessed August 9, 2018, https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/54517.

  36. 36.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 177. The advowson belonged to the honor of Wallingford, which was in the king’s lordship; it was held in 1384 by Richard’s mother, Joan of Kent, Princess of Wales. See CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 453.

  37. 37.

    CPR, Richard II, 1385–1389, 519.

  38. 38.

    See Footnote 76.

  39. 39.

    London, British Library, Additional Ms. 6159 folio 156v. “quando vestre celsitudinis litteras perlegimus inspeximus….” For advice on this document and its interpretation, I thank Lesley Boatwright, Christopher Whittick, and Judith M. Bennett. For letters between Richard and Wenceslas, see The Diplomatic Correspondence of Richard II, ed. E. Perroy, Camden Society, 3rd series, 48 (1933), letters number 18, 36, 37, 38, 39, 46, 99, 139, 183, 221.

  40. 40.

    BL, Add. Ms. 6159, f. 156v. “set jocundissima fuimus quando comperimus quod multa vobis de Ungaria et Polonis iam prospere succedebant.…”

  41. 41.

    British Library, Additional 6159 folio 156v. “…hoping likewise that in pursuing our concerns there [we] will thus be such partner in fortune, as we ourselves became another for you by the power of nature.” “…similiter sperantes quod in nostris agendis sic erit particeps in fortuna sicut vobis altera ipsa efficimur vi nature [.]”

  42. 42.

    BL, Add. Ms. 6159, f. 156v. “pax tanta que tranquillitas subditorum ut ne dum sint magnates in se ipsis omnimoda iam contenti set iidem cum subditis…”

  43. 43.

    Lynn Staley, “Anne of Bohemia and the Objects of Ricardian Kingship,” in Medieval Women and their Objects, ed. Jenny Adams and Nancy Mason Bradbury (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017), 100. As Staley notes, 1384–1385 was peaceful compared to other parts of Richard’s reign, but not without tension.

  44. 44.

    As mentioned previously, Anne’s natal family tended to be pro-French, but Wenceslas IV sided with the Roman pope Urban VI, as did Richard II and England. Ultimately, the marriage alliance probably worked out better for Wenceslas because he received a substantial loan from Richard. Beyond that, the alliance did not materialize. For details, see Tuck, “Richard II and the House of Luxembourg,” 203–229.

  45. 45.

    W. Mark Ormrod has speculated that Richard II deliberately destroyed written records of Anne’s queenship (rather like the king destroyed Sheen Palace, in which Anne had died). See W. M. Ormrod, “Richard II’s Sense of English History,” in The Reign of Richard II, ed. G. Dodd (Stroud: Tempus, 2000), 98.

  46. 46.

    Sharon Farmer, “Persuasive Voices: Clerical Images of Medieval Wives,” Speculum 61:3 (July 1986): 517–543.

  47. 47.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 106–110. Collette reached her conclusion about the queen working for the good of the realm through a close reading of the French and English coronation ordos and a letter from Christine de Pisan to Isabelle of Bavaria. She used the ordo from the Liber Regalis, which dates from Richard II’s reign.

  48. 48.

    John Carmi Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women, ed. Jennifer Carpenter and Sally-Beth MacLean (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 149; Paul Strohm, “Queens as Intercessors,” in Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth-Century Texts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 95–96. For the apolitical aspect, see Marek Suchý, “England and Bohemia in the Time of Anne of Luxembourg: Dynastic Marriage as a Precondition for Cultural Contact in the Late Middle Ages,” in Prague and Bohemia: Medieval Art, Architecture, and Cultural Exchange in Central Europe, ed. Z. Opačić (Leeds, 2009), 10; Helen Carrel, “The Rituals of Town-Crown Relations in Post-Black Death England,” in Ritual and Space in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the 2009 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. F. Andrews (Donington: Shaun Tyas, 2011), 163–164.

  49. 49.

    Strohm, “Queens as Intercessors,” 102–106.

  50. 50.

    Strohm, “Queens as Intercessors,” 95–96; Parsons, “The Pregnant Queen as Counsellor and the Medieval Construction of Motherhood,” in Medieval Mothering, ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996), 47.

  51. 51.

    Strohm, “Queens as Intercessors,” 95–96; Parsons, “The Pregnant Queen as Counsellor,” 49.

  52. 52.

    W. Mark Ormrod, “Monarchy, Martyrdom, and Masculinity: England in the Later Middle Ages,” in Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages, ed. P.H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004), 175.

  53. 53.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 101, Footnote 9 in Chapter 1.

  54. 54.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 17, 101, 111–112, 117, 121.

  55. 55.

    Anthony Musson, “Queenship, Lordship and Petitioning in Late Medieval England,” in Medieval Petitions: Grace and Grievance, ed. W. Mark Ormrod, Gwilym Dodd, and Anthony Musson (York: York Medieval Press, 2009), 171.

  56. 56.

    John Carmi Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in English Medieval Queenship to 1500,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. L. O. Fradenburg (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2002), 64.

  57. 57.

    Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. C. Given-Wilson et al. (Leicester: Scholarly Digital Editions and The National Archives, 2005), “Richard II: 1381 November, Text and Translation,” item 32, accessed August 9, 2018, http://www.sd-editions.com/PROME/home.html.

  58. 58.

    For more discussion of this pardon, see W. Mark Ormrod, “In Bed with Joan of Kent: The King’s Mother and the Peasants’ Revolt,” in Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain. Essays for Felicity Riddy, ed. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 277–292, esp. 289–290; Helen Lacey, The Royal Pardon: Access to Mercy in Fourteenth-Century England (York: York Medieval Press, 2009), 154–155 and Footnote 133.

  59. 59.

    Parsons, “The Intercessory Patronage of Queens Margaret and Isabella of France,” in Thirteenth Century England VI, ed. Michael Prestwich et al. (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1995), 149 and Footnote 9 on p. 149.

  60. 60.

    Parsons, “The Intercessory Patronage,” 150.

  61. 61.

    Parsons, “The Intercessory Patronage,” 153; St. John, Three Medieval Queens, 171.

  62. 62.

    Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 207.

  63. 63.

    The most famous account of this is in Froissart, elaborating on Jean le Bel. For discussion of this event and how Froissart has probably exaggerated the queen’s pregnancy, see Strohm, “Queens as Intercessors,” 99–102; Parsons, “Pregnant Queen as Counsellor,” 40–42.

  64. 64.

    Kristen Geaman, “Queen’s Gold and Intercession: The Case of Eleanor of Aquitaine,” Medieval Feminist Forum, 46:2 (2010): 10–33. Queen’s received ten percent of a voluntary fine as queen’s gold. These types of fines were paid when the king granted a favor to someone; queen’s gold recognized the queen’s ability to help subjects obtain these royal favors.

  65. 65.

    Calendar of Select Pleas and Memoranda of the City of London: Preserved Among the Archives of the Corporation of the City of London at the Guildhall, A.D. 1381–1412, ed. A. H. Thomas (London: University Press, 1932), 7–8.

  66. 66.

    Calendar…London, 7–8.

  67. 67.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 111–113. For more on the Court of Chancery, see A. H. Marsh, History of the Court of Chancery and the Rise and Development of the Doctrines of Equity (Toronto: Carswell & Co., 1890); Select Cases in Chancery AD 1364 to 1471, ed. William Paley Baildon, Selden Society, Vol. X (London: Bernars Quaritch, 1896).

  68. 68.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 114–116. Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 1, notes that the number of pardons grew even as the population fell after the plague.

  69. 69.

    Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 188–232.

  70. 70.

    Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 213, 222, 225, 227. As individuals, the numbers are: Anne 71, Gaunt 62, Percy 53, and Rutland 40.

  71. 71.

    Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 213–232.

  72. 72.

    CPR, Richard II, 1381–1385, 239.

  73. 73.

    Intercession for pardons was such a part of politics that the House of Commons passed laws attempting to regularize the practice and assess fines for intercessions for undeserving recipients. See Lacey, The Royal Pardon, 48–49 and Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, Pleas of the January 1390 Parliament, item 36 (membrane 5), accessed August 9, 2018, http://www.sd-editions.com/AnaServer?PROME+0+start.anv+id=RICHARDII.

  74. 74.

    Collette, Performing Polity, 118 also mentions this idea.

  75. 75.

    Henry Knighton, Knighton’s Chronicle 1337–1396, ed. and trans. G. H. Martin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 502–503.

  76. 76.

    Some chronicles record that Anne knelt before the earl of Arundel, while others indicate Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester. For Arundel, see: Chronique de la traïson et mort de Richart Deux roy d’Engleterre, ed. Benjamin William (London: Aux dépens de la Société, 1846), 133; The Kirkstall abbey chronicles, ed. John Taylor (Leeds: The Thoresby Society, 1952), 71; An English chronicle, 1377–1461: edited from Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales MS 21068 and Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Lyell 34, ed. William Marx (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003), 11. For Gloucester, see: Eulogium Historiarum (continuation), ed. Frank Scott Haydon (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863), 3:372. An English chronicle, 1377–1461, 16–17 suggests Anne knelt to both men.

  77. 77.

    Chronique de la traïson, 133.

  78. 78.

    Richard Maidstone, Concordia (The Reconciliation of Richard II with London), ed. David R. Carlson, trans. A. G. Rigg (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2003).

  79. 79.

    WestminsterChronicle 1381–1394, ed. L. C. Hector and B. F. Harvey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 503.

  80. 80.

    Helen Suggett, “A Letter Describing Richard II’s Reconciliation with the City of London, 1392,” English Historical Review 62:243 (April 1947): 212. “Et adonqe vient la Roigne et l’erchevesqe d’une part et l’evesqe de Londrez d’altre part, et eux mistrent as genoiles devant le Roy luy priantz de prendre sez lieges en sa grace et mercy.”

  81. 81.

    CPR, Richard II, 1391–1396, 130, 171.

  82. 82.

    WestminsterChronicle, 503.

  83. 83.

    May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307–1399 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), 427.

  84. 84.

    Katherine Walsh, “Lollardisch-hussitische Reformbestrebungen in Umkreis und Gefolgschaft der Luxemburgerin Anna, Königin von England (1382–1394),” in Häresie und vorseitige Reformation im Spätmittelalter, ed. Šmahel, František, and Elisabet Müller-Luckner (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1998), 80–81.

  85. 85.

    Adam Usk, The Chronicle of Adam Usk, 1377–1421, ed. and trans. Chris Given-Wilson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 4–5 (translation). Latin on page 4: “reginam benignissimam.”

  86. 86.

    Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi II, ed. G.B. Stow (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977), 134. “Hec enim regina, quamuis sine liberis discessit, tamen gloriosa et regno Anglie, in quantam potuit, proficua tenebatur. Vnde proceres ac plebei in eius mortem ualde condolebant.”

  87. 87.

    Ormrod, “Monarchy, Martyrdom, and Masculinity,” 181–182.

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Acknowledgements

Thank you to the USC Provost’s Fellowship Program and the Schallek Awards, sponsored by the Richard III Society and the Medieval Academy of America, for their funding and support of my dissertation, from which some of this material is taken. I would also like to thank Chelsea Griffis and Becky Cerling for their advice for revisions.

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  1. University of Toledo, Toledo, OH, USA

    Kristen L. Geaman

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  1. Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

    Heather J. Tanner

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Geaman, K.L. (2019). Beyond Good Queen Anne: Anne of Bohemia, Patronage, and Politics. In: Tanner, H.J. (eds) Medieval Elite Women and the Exercise of Power, 1100–1400. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01346-2_4

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