Abstract
In 1914 the great majority of the socialist parties of the belligerent countries, faced with actual hostilities, proved incapable of putting into practice the resolutions against war which they had adopted while war still remained a question of theory. When put to the test by the outbreak of hostilities, international socialism suffered a blow from which it never recovered. With the exception of the representatives of two parties, the Russian and the Serbian, the socialists in the parliaments of the belligerent countries voted, on the grounds of self-defence, to support their governments’ war measures. In Russia, both the bolshevik and the menshevik deputies in the state Duma left the chamber and refused to vote the credits for the war. They were supported by the Trudoviki, the socialist revolutionary group in the Duma. Yet before long the Russian socialist parties proved to be far from united on the issue of defence. The Socialist Revolutionaries became, in the main, supporters of the war effort, with some exceptions such as Natanson (Bobrov), who had long been on the extreme left of his party, and Victor Chernov (Gardenin). Among the Mensheviks several trends appeared: the right wing became ‘defensist’; the left wing, which included Martov and Larin, preached various degrees of internationalism. Alexandra Kollontay, who was then among the most extreme internationalists of the menshevik party, co-operated throughout the war with the Bolsheviks, and formally joined them in 1917, The founder of Russian marxism, Plekhanov, and his small group which included Vera Zasulich and Deutsch, were no longer organizationally linked either with the Mensheviks or the Bolsheviks. They advocated victory over Germany.1
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
A. Shlyapnikov, ‘Fevral’skie dni v Peterburge’, in Proletarskaya revolyutsiya, no. 13 (1923), at p. 82. cf. Antonov-Saratovsky, p. 88; and Shlyapnikov, Vol. I, pp. 56–7. Shlyapnikov had, however, in a letter to the Central Committee on 24 February 1917, foreseen that a ‘revolutionary hurricane’ might spring up ‘any day’—ibid., p. 52.
e.g., in Baku, the Urals, the Donets Basin, and in Siberia—Proletarskaya revolyutsiya, no. 4 (63), 1927, p. 17.
Trotsky, History, Vol. I, pp. 302–5; Shlyapnikou, Vol. II, pp. 179–85.
Quoted in Proletarskaya revolyutsiya, no. 4 (63), 1927, pp. 50–2, from Pravda.
See Sukhanou, Vol. III, pp. 14–50, for the account of Lenin’s arrival and its impact: and cf. Tolstov in Krasnaya letopis’, no. 3 (18), 1926, pp. 70–5.
Quoted in Trotsky, History, I, p. 325. And cf. a similar article by him on 25 April in Pravda.
Copyright information
© 1977 Leonard Schapiro
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Schapiro, L. (1977). The February Revolution. In: The Origin of the Communist Autocracy. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09509-4_2
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09509-4_2
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-0-333-44140-4
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-09509-4
eBook Packages: Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)