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Interests and Identities: The Changing Politics of Representation

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Abstract

Indian democracy entered a rather long and turbulent phase of politics in the mid-1970s, when the challenges which emerged from the ground, produced by the very processes of democratic politics, were sought to be met by the ruling elite in the form of declaration of Emergency (With the distance of time, it is more useful to see Emergency not merely as a capricious action of one individual politician to survive in power, but a systemic response of a larger section of the ruling elite which supported and collaborated with the Emergency regime, either openly or in a concealed manner. These included not only the Congress party politicians but politicians from other parties, sections of journalists, intellectuals, judiciary, bureaucrats and businessmen, some of whom, spanning across parties and governments, have shown a remarkable sense or political survival. The point will become clearer if one conducts a survey of the supporters of Emergency and the public positions they have occupied since.). This response to problems created in the society by changes at the base of politics has been widely repudiated but the tendency of the ruling elite not to process institutionally the pressures generated by democratic politics has nevertheless persisted (There indeed was, and has been, a powerful counter-response in politics represented by what are now described as the grass-roots movements addressing a host of issues concerning the populations marginalized by elite parties and normally not fielded by the political parties. (Refer to Chap.6 on grassroots politics.)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    With the distance of time, it is more useful to see Emergency not merely as a capricious action of one individual politician to survive in power, but a systemic response of a larger section of the ruling elite which supported and collaborated with the Emergency regime, either openly or in a concealed manner. These included not only the Congress party politicians but politicians from other parties, sections of journalists, intellectuals, judiciary, bureaucrats and businessmen, some of whom, spanning across parties and governments have shown a remarkable sense or political survival. The point will become clearer if one conducts a survey of the supporters of Emergency and the public positions they have occupied since.

  2. 2.

    There indeed was, and has been, a powerful counter-response in politics represented by what are now described as the grass-roots movements addressing a host of issues concerning the populations marginalized by elite parties and normally not fielded by the political parties. (Refer to Chap. 6 on grassroots politics.)

  3. 3.

    Sec D.L. Sheth, ‘Social Bases or Party Support’, in D.L. Sheth (ed.), Citizen and Parties: Aspects of Competitive Politics in India (New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1975), pp. 135–164.

  4. 4.

    According to the post-election national survey of 1967 elections carried out by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (C.S.D.S.), Delhi, 43 per cent or the sample electorate (N = 1972) identified with the Congress party; C.S.D.S. Elections Survey Data Files.

  5. 5.

    For the extent and pattern or political involvement of the electorate in 1967, see Bashiruddin Ahmed. ‘Political Stratification of the Electorate’ in D.L. Sheth (ed.). Citizens and Parties: Aspects of Competitive Politics in India, op. cit.

  6. 6.

    The 1967 Election Survey of the C.S.D.S. revealed extensive growth or party identifications in the electorate. Of the total sample, 71.5 per cent respondents felt a sense of identification with one or the other political party. While 43 per cent of them felt close to the Congress party, 29 per cent showed such political identification for parties other than the Congress. C.S.D.S. Elections Survey Data Files.

  7. 7.

    Election Survey Data Files, C.S.D.S. Delhi.

  8. 8.

    This pattern of political instability in which the party elected to power lost popular support within two or three years of being in power had been so well established in the period between 1971 and 1984 that it was described by Ashis Nandy as the iron law of Indian politics. ‘Political Culture or the Indian State’, Daedalus, Fall 1989, pp.14–23.

  9. 9.

    For a detailed analysis of electoral data concerning the rise of the BJP in the late 1980s and early 1990s and the discussion on its ideology of cultural nationalism, see Yogendra K. Malik and V.B. Singh, Hindu Nationalists in India, especially Chapters 6 and 7 (East View Press, Oxford), pp. 179–243, 1994.

  10. 10.

    For an engaging historical narrative showing how RSS kept the politics of Hindutva alive in its worse days and could bring it in the centre of Indian politics in the 1990s, see Pralay Kanungo RSS’s Tryst with Politics: From Hegdewar to Sudarshan (Manohar Publishers, Delhi), 2002.

  11. 11.

    Suhas Palshikarhas shown, based on empirical data, how the Hindutva politics expanded and moved towards the centre, occupying social-structural spaces. See Suhas Palshikar, ‘Majoritarian middle Ground’, Economic and Political Weekly, (18 December 2004) pp. 5426–5430.

  12. 12.

    For a detailed and insightful analysis of the post-2004 politics, based on states-level electoral data and national surveys, see Yogendra Yadav and Suhas Palshikar, ‘Revisiting “Third Electoral System”: Mapping Electoral Trends in India: 2004–9′ in Sandeep Shastri, K.C. Suri & Yogendra Yadav: Electoral Politics in Indian States (Oxford University Press, New Delhi) 2009.

  13. 13.

    For a detailed argument, see D.L. Sheth, ‘The Change of 2004’, Seminar 545, January 2005.

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Sheth, D.L. (2018). Interests and Identities: The Changing Politics of Representation. In: deSouza, P. (eds) At Home with Democracy . Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6412-8_11

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