Abstract
Recent proposals in the semantics literature hold that the negative comparative less and negative adjectives like short in English are morphosyntactically complex, unlike their positive counterparts more and tall. For instance, the negative adjective short might decompose into little tall (Rullmann, Dissertation, 1995; Heim, Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory, vol. 16, 2006, Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung, vol. 12, 2008; Büring, Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory, vol. 17, 2007). Positing a silent little as part of adjectives like short correctly predicts that they are semantically opposite to tall; we seek evidence for this decomposition in language understanding in English and Polish. Our visual verification tasks compare processing of positive and negative comparatives with taller and shorter against that of less symbolically-rich mathematical statements, \(A > B\), \(B < A\). We find that both language and math statements generally lead to monotonic increases in processing load along with the number of negative symbols (as predicted for language by e.g. Clark and Chase, Cognitive Psychology, 3:472–517, 1972). Our study is the first to examine the processing of the gradable predicates tall and short cross-linguistically, as well as in contrast to extensionally-equivalent, and putatively non-linguistic stimuli (cf. Deschamps et al, Cognition, 143:115–128, 2015 with quantificational determiners).
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Notes
- 1.
Note that Kennedy’s analysis differs from Rullmann’s in that Rullmann had the negative antonym ‘flip’ what was otherwise a positively-oriented scale (i.e. reverse the ordering relations). In contrast, Kennedy (and subsequent authors presupposing his ontology) proposes that negative antonyms introduce sets of degrees that extend from a point d to infinity, the complement of the set introduced by the positive antonym (see especially Kennedy 2001, p. 55, examples (46) and (48), for discussion).
- 2.
Possibly more importantly, Beck (2013) has found some slipperiness in the judgments of speakers for the relevant scope data. Thus, so far it seems that the evaluation of decompositional analyses from the perspective of semantic theory should not yet hang on the data in (7).
- 3.
- 4.
A further difference is that Deschamps et al. (2015) presented their linguistic statements auditorily.
- 5.
No filler task items were used in this experiment or in the second experiment reported below.
- 6.
Indeed, this is the pattern found by Clark and Chase (1972), when participants evaluated the sentences A is above B and A is below B in a Sentence-Picture verification task. However, Trabasso et al. (1971) reported an interaction between polarity and congruence, in which RTs were greater for negatives in incongruent situations, yet greater for positives in congruent situations. These results, however, were found in a Picture-Sentence verification task where the contrast in negativity was sentential negation, e.g.: The patch is/isn’t orange.
- 7.
As noted above, congruence effects were not discussed by Deschamps et al. (2015).
- 8.
It is possible that our participants understood the math statements in terms of natural language translations like A is greater/less than B, which lead to the language-like effects. The quasi-algebraic expressions tested in Deschamps et al. (2015) consisted of blue and yellow squares on both sides of the > and < operators. Such representations might be less likely to be translated into natural language than \(A>B\) and \(A<B\), potentially accounting for the differences between our study and theirs.
- 9.
An anonymous reviewer notes that we so far have not directly compared these two sub-experiments, and so haven’t shown that they are statistically different from one another. Conducting a post-hoc LMEM comparison over the combined data from the English and Math sub-experiments, we found no main effect for the contrast-coded factor language (English vs. Math), nor any interactions with that factor. Subsequently, in the text, we focus on the qualitative difference that can be seen in Fig. 3, and which was borne out in the independent 2\(\,\times \,\)2 analyses.
- 10.
- 11.
These data were not collected for Experiment 2 due to a programming error.
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Acknowledgements
We are grateful to Rebecca Way for creating the diagrams illustrating the Kennedy semantics from Sect. 2, and assisting with programming Experiment 1. We also extend our gratitude to Joanna Blaszczak, Andreas Brocher, Johannes Gerwien, Naomi Kamoen, and Maria Mos for their involvement with coding Experiment 2. Finally, we extend a special acknowledgment to Yaman Özakın for his work on creating the picture stimuli used in both experiments. The work on Experiment 2 was supported by the Polish National Science Center (NCN) grant OPUS 5 HS2 (DEC-2013/09/B/HS2/02763).
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Tucker, D., Tomaszewicz, B., Wellwood, A. (2018). Decomposition and Processing of Negative Adjectival Comparatives. In: Castroviejo, E., McNally, L., Weidman Sassoon, G. (eds) The Semantics of Gradability, Vagueness, and Scale Structure. Language, Cognition, and Mind, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77791-7_10
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