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Conceptual Understandings of Redress and Reparation

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Part of the book series: Springer Series in Transitional Justice ((SSTJ,volume 7))

Abstract

In reparation politics, the needs of the group—such as denunciation by the state of its earlier actions, reparations for health and financial losses, and official apologies—can only fully be met through state actions. When the state is the offender, the victim needs the state to take responsibility for wrongs committed. The failure of the state to take responsibility further victimizes the collective and often results in the group maintaining a contentious relationship with the victimizing populace, in addition to continuing psychological and/or mental harm to victimized group members. By committing to redress and reparation, some measure of justice can be achieved, such as reconstruction of a better society, repairing damaged relations, reintegration of offenders or survivors into a legal or moral framework, and political reconciliation between the state and the victimized group.

The state is not an independent actor whose goal is to ensure justice, but in these cases, the perpetrator of an injustice. In addition, individuals within society who acted as perpetrators, or as bystanders, hold, according to Karl Jaspers, criminal, political, moral, or metaphysical guilt for their actions/inactions. Thus, it would be insufficient to exclusively utilize the criminal justice system, as violations occurred not only in the criminal sense, but also in regards to political and moral decisions. As such, when redress and reparation movements negotiate with the offending state to “come to terms with the past” they often seek a wide variety of measures, including criminal, reparatory, legislative, historical and symbolic acts of justice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Schaap (2005, p. 84).

  2. 2.

    Jaspers (1961, pp. 31–32, 41).

  3. 3.

    See Chap. 2 for previous discussion on Jaspers four types of guilt.

  4. 4.

    Kulish (2009).

  5. 5.

    Tavuchis (1991, p. 5).

  6. 6.

    Ibid. p. 13.

  7. 7.

    Schaap (2005, p. 11).

  8. 8.

    Hayner (2002, p. 161).

  9. 9.

    Ibid.

  10. 10.

    Schaap (2005, pp. 82, 87).

  11. 11.

    Ibid. p. 91.

  12. 12.

    Ibid. p. 94.

  13. 13.

    Excluding treaties or agreements into which the state voluntarily enters.

  14. 14.

    One could argue that a case of absolute failure would be an atrocity that has completely disappeared from collective memory. This absolute, however, would, by its nature, not be known and thus cannot be utilized as a standard of comparison.

  15. 15.

    See Teitel (2000) for an overview of each form of transitional justice.

  16. 16.

    Keller (2001).

  17. 17.

    Sikkink (2011, pp. 4–5, 18).

  18. 18.

    Ellis (2001, p. 107).

  19. 19.

    Minow (1998, p. 25).

  20. 20.

    Teitel (2000, p. 28).

  21. 21.

    The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu, ICTR-96-4-T, 1998.

  22. 22.

    The Prosecutor v. Clément Kayishema and Obed Ruzindana, ICTR-95-1-T, 1999.

  23. 23.

    A separate discussion on normative evolutions of racism will be discussed in Chap. 5.

  24. 24.

    See Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness and Teitel, Transitional Justice for an analysis of war crime trials.

  25. 25.

    Irons (1983, p. 371).

  26. 26.

    Ibid. p. 372.

  27. 27.

    Pross (1998, p. viii).

  28. 28.

    Ibid.

  29. 29.

    Ibid.

  30. 30.

    Staub (2011, pp. 21, 60–61).

  31. 31.

    Hamber (2009, p. 49).

  32. 32.

    Quoted in Fogelman (1988, p. 89).

  33. 33.

    Nice (2007).

  34. 34.

    De Greiff (2006a, p. 2).

  35. 35.

    Explanatory Memorandum to the Parliamentary Bill (2011).

  36. 36.

    For an overview of the importance of textbooks in memory transmission, and Japan’s treatment of war crimes during World War II see Hein and Selden (2000).

  37. 37.

    Minow (1998, p. 71).

  38. 38.

    Teitel (2000, p. 127).

  39. 39.

    Barkan (2000 , p. xix).

  40. 40.

    Teitel (2000, p. 137).

  41. 41.

    As evidenced by statements made by victims on the psychological relief that feel upon receiving reparations, see United States and Japanese case studies.

  42. 42.

    De Greiff (2006b, p. 455).

  43. 43.

    Ibid. p. 457.

  44. 44.

    Qtd in Fogelman (1988, p. 94).

  45. 45.

    Tavuchis (1991, p. 8).

  46. 46.

    Fogelman (1988, p. 85).

  47. 47.

    Ibid.

  48. 48.

    Ibid. p. 87.

  49. 49.

    Nobles (2008, pp. 162–163).

  50. 50.

    Benoit (1995).

  51. 51.

    Yang (1997, p. 54).

  52. 52.

    Joyce (2007).

  53. 53.

    Gilbert (1989, p. 734).

  54. 54.

    Fraser (1992, p. 254).

  55. 55.

    Regret vs. Apology (2001).

  56. 56.

    Parliament of Australia (1999).

  57. 57.

    Regret but no apology for aborigines (1999).

  58. 58.

    Tavuchis (1991, p. 13).

  59. 59.

    Forgiveness is an underlying assumption of apologies. One wishes for forgiveness; however, the act of forgiveness is independent of the apology, and at the individual’s discretion.

  60. 60.

    Brooks (1999, p. 4).

  61. 61.

    Fleming (2008, p. 102).

  62. 62.

    Castle and Smith (2001).

  63. 63.

    United Nations (2001, p. 11).

  64. 64.

    Tavuchis (1991, p. 48).

  65. 65.

    As evidence that the victimized group does not believe in the sincerity see Chap. 7’s discussion on international society and organizations. Comfort women and international organizations have both continued to lobby for a formal, acceptable apology.

  66. 66.

    Gamson (1975).

  67. 67.

    Ibid. pp. 14–15. The challenging group is the mobilized group attempting to challenge the political system and the antagonist is the group who is being challenged.

  68. 68.

    Ibid. p. 31.

  69. 69.

    Ibid. p. 36.

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Wolfe, S. (2014). Conceptual Understandings of Redress and Reparation. In: The Politics of Reparations and Apologies. Springer Series in Transitional Justice, vol 7. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9185-9_3

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