Abstract
Jimmy Carter was elected President of the United States largely because he was a Washington outsider, untainted by the years of torment surrounding Vietnam and Watergate. Indeed, before he sought the Democratic nomination for presidential candidate, few people outside his native Georgia had heard of this former naval officer, nuclear engineer, and peanut farmer. Carter made it clear in his election campaign that he understood and shared the people’s pain, doubt and failing confidence following the defeat in Vietnam and the Watergate scandals. He believed America’s moral compass had been lost, that traditional beliefs at the very heart of what it meant to be an American had been thrown into question by years of government lies, failure and corruption. Carter, though, was not about to give up on those beliefs. He was confident that by rededicating the nation to the principles upon which it was founded, Americans could once again believe in themselves and the special role their nation had to play in human history.
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Notes
Carter, ‘Nomination Acceptance Speech at the 1976 Democratic National Convention’, Why Not The Best? Presidential edition ( Eastbourne: Kingsway, 1977 ) 185.
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977–1981 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1983) 81.
Gaddis Smith, Morality, Reason, and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (New York: Hill & Wang, 1986) 35–40; Brzezinski, Power and Principle, 3–15, 36.
Smith, Morality, Reason, and Power, 40–1; Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in America’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983) 26–9.
David P. Forsythe, Human Rights and US Foreign Policy: Congress Reconsidered ( Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 1988 ) 61.
Jeane K. Kirkpatrick, ‘Dictatorships and Double Standards’, Commentary, no. 68 (November 1979) 34–45.
Joshua Muravchik, The Uncertain Crusade: Jimmy Carter and the Dilemmas of Human Rights Policy ( Lanham, MD: Hamilton Press, 1986 ) 215.
Quoted in Garry Wills, Reagan’s America ( New York: Penguin, 1988 ) 390.
Carter, ‘Panama Canal Treaties: Remarks at the Signing Ceremony at the Pan American Union Building, September 7, 1977’, Public Papers, 1977, book I I, 1543.
Quoted in Elizabeth Becker, When the War was Over: The Voices of Cambodia’s Revolution and its People ( New York: Touchstone, 1987 ) 440.
See also Christopher Brady, United States Foreign Policy Towards Cambodia, 1977–92 (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave Macmillan, 1999) ch. 1.
Kenneth E. Morris, Jimmy Carter: American Moralist ( Athens, GA and London: University of Georgia Press, 1996 ) 1.
George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1980 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1981 ) 102.
Robert O. Freedman, Moscow and the Middle East: Soviet Policy since the Invasion of Afghanistan ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 ) 71–4
M. Hassan Kakar, Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979–1982 ( Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995 ) 46–50
Sarah E. Mendelson, Changing Course: Ideas, Politics, and the Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan ( Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998 ) 41–64.
Carter, Keeping Faith, 568. Gary Sick has controversially argued that a secret deal was struck between the Iranians and the Reagan campaign to delay the hostages’ release until after the presidential election. See Gary Sick, October Surprise: America’s Hostages in Iran and the Election of Ronald Reagan ( New York: Times Books, 1991 ).
John Dumbrell, American Foreign Policy: Carter to Clinton ( Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave Macmillan, 1997 ) 52.
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© 2003 Trevor B. McCrisken
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McCrisken, T.B. (2003). Jimmy Carter — Morality and the Crisis of Confidence. In: American Exceptionalism and the Legacy of Vietnam. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403948175_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403948175_4
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