Abstract
‘The liberal century had landed itself with a mass of Gordian knots and tried to untie them by the slaughter of the [First] World War. Never has any religion ever imposed upon its votaries such a monstrous sacrifice. Did liberalism’s gods thirst for blood? Now, today, the liberal faith is about to close the doors of its empty churches because people think that its lack of principles in economics, politics, and ethics leads-as indeed it has led-to the sure and certain ruin of states … [But] political ideologies pass away, while peoples remain. This, we may consider, is the century of authority … a Fascist century. For if the nineteenth century was a century of individualism, and liberalism always means individualism, we may regard this century as the century of collectivism, the century of the State.’
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Notes
A. James Gregor defines Mussolini’s conception of the state as ‘Hegelian or neo-Hegelian’, and with regard to fascism’s deification and mythologization of the state he is correct. But fascism added its own totalitarian theory to philosophical notions of the transcendent state, thereby transforming and modernizing the idea of the supra-state. See A. J. Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism (New York, 1969), p. 154.
From a lecture delivered in Florence on 8 March 1925, reprinted in Fascism, ed. R. Griffin (Oxford, 1995), p. 54; Gentile actually ‘borrowed’ the concept of an ‘ethical state’ from the liberal Right.
Ibid., p. 54; and G. Gentile, Che cosa è il fascismo: Discorsi e polemiche (Florence, 1925), pp. 17, 35–6 and his Origini e dottrini del fascismo (1929; 3rd ed. Rome, 1934).
On Gentile’s theories of the fascist state, see H. Silton Harris, The Social Philosophy of Giovanni Gentile (Urbana, Illinois, 1960), passim; Gregor (1969), ch. 5; E. Gentile, Le origini dell’ideologia fascista, 1918–1925 (Rome and Bari, 1975), pp. 358–69.
Mussolini’s contribution to the encyclopaedia article was published in English: B. Mussolini, The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism, trans. J. Soames (London, 1933), pp. 14–16, 24.
Ibid., p. 24.
From the text of a speech given by Mussolini on 6 October 1934 to the workers of Milan, reprinted in B. Mussolini, Speeches on the Corporate State (Florence, 1936), pp. 39–40.
B. Mussolini, My Autobiography (1928; rev. ed. London, 1939), ch. 10; and see A. Cherubini, ‘Introduzione storica alle assicurazioni sociali in Italia: Il ventennio fascista’, in Rivista degli infortuni e delle malattie professionali, n. 5 (1969), 731–59, 736.
The terms ‘corporative’ and ‘corporate’, ‘corporativism’ and ‘corporatism’ are used virtually interchangeably in the literature, although only corporate and corporatism are technically correct.
See, for example, G. Bortolotto, Lo stato e la dottrina corporativo (Bologna, 1931), pp. 6–11 and B. Biagi, Lo stato corporativo (Rome, 1934), pp. 24–36.
Scholars, by contrast, have long recognized that the corporative state never gave any autonomy or power to workers. Determined to prevent any repeat of the 1920 occupation of the factories, the fascist regime sought to deprive the working class of the weapons of class war. The Palazzo Chigi Pact of 21 December 1923 called for employers and workers to establish ‘cordial relations’ so that the nation’s productive capacities could be increased. Work stoppages due to strike activity harmed the whole national community by interrupting the rhythm of industrial development. On 2 October 1925, the Palazzo Vidoni Pact gave fascist syndicates the exclusive right to represent organized labour in its dealings with the bosses of big business. Rival socialist and Catholic trade unions ceased to exist. And a decree-law banning strikes and lock-outs was promulgated on 3 April 1926. Though the Corporative State was founded in 1927, the actual corporations were not created until 1934; but even after that the rhetoric surrounding it never matched the reality. Early critical appraisals include G. Salvemini, Under the Axe of Fascism (London, 1936), passim; W. Ebenstein, Fascist Italy (New York, 1939), esp. ch. 6 and 7; C. T. Schmidt, The Corporate State in Action (New York, 1939), passim; and J. Meenan, The Italian Corporative System (Cork, 1944), esp. ch. 7. See also A. Aquarone, L’Organizzazione dello stato totalitario (Turin, 1965), pp. 435–6, 439; and C. F. Delzell, Mediterranean Fascism, 1919–1945 (New York, 1970), pp. 108–20.
C. Alessandrini, ‘La carta del lavoro e la tutela dell’infanzia e della maternità’, MI2:1 (January, 1927), pp. 22–5.
See R. De Felice, Mussolini il fascista, vol. 2: L’organizzazione dello stato fascista, 1925–1929, (Turin, 1968), pp. 222–96 and appendix pp. 542–7.
Quoted in Cherubini (1977), pp. 283–4.
G. Landi, Assistenza e previdenza nell’ordinamento corporativo fascista (Ferrara, 1932), 56–9.
A. Lo Monaco Aprile, La politica assistenziale dell’Italia fascista (Rome, 1931), p. 269.
A. Cioffi, Istituzioni di diritto corporativo (Milan, 1933), pp. 407–8.
My Autobiography, p. 281.
See R. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London, 1991), p. 26 for a definition of fascism as ‘palingenetic’ nationalism.
Ibid., p. 24.
E. Gentile, ‘From the Cultural Revolt of the Giolittian Era to the Ideology of Fascism’, Studies in Modern Italian History: From the Risorgimento to the Republic, ed. F. J. Coppa (New York, Berne, Frankfurt, 1986), pp. 103–17, 116.
D. Schoenbaum, Hitler’s Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933–1939 (1966; pb. edn. New York, 1967), pp. 254–6, 286; Schoenbaum’s classic account examines Hitler’s ‘New Deal’ for Germany from the perspective of changes in social status and mobility, rather than social welfare.
From a speech before the assembly of the national council of corporations, 13 November 1933, B. Mussolini, Speeches on the Corporate State, pp. 9–25, 20. In his Lectures on Fascism (New York, 1976), pp. 46, 48, 73, 144, Palmiro Togliatti alluded to the ‘ideological hold’ which fascism gained over the working class by means of its social policies: first published as Lezioni sul fascismo (Rome, 1970). And in her The Culture of Consent: Mass Organization of Leisure in Fascist Italy (Cambridge, 1981), p. viii, Victoria De Grazia made reference to the ‘stabilizing’ effects of welfare.
E. Gentile, Il mito dello stato nuovo dall’antigiolittismo al fascismo (Rome and Bari, 1982), pp. 30–76.
R. De Felice, ‘Ordine pubblico e orientamenti delle masse popolari italiane nella prima metà del 1917’, Rivista storica del socialismo, 7 (1963), pp. 467–504, 468.
G. Procacci, ‘Popular Protest and Labour Conflict in Italy, 1915–1918’, Social History 14:1 (January, 1989), pp. 31–58.
G. Fiume, ‘La donna e la famiglia’, in Il fascismo: Politica e vita sociale, ed. S. Fedele and G. Restifo (Milan, 1980), pp. 162–74, 168.
A. Camarda and S. Peli, L’altro esercito, pp. 29, 60, 84–7 et passim.
A. Cento Bull and P. Corner, From Peasant to Entrepreneur: The Survival of the Family Economy in Italy (Oxford, 1993), p. 60; and G. Toniolo (1990), p. 126.
Toniolo (1990), p. 62.
A. Serpieri, La guerra e le classi rurali italiane (Bari, 1930), pp. 71–2; League of Nations, Agricultural Production in Continental Europe during the 1914–1918 War and the Reconstruction period (Geneva, 1943), pp. 35–6, 50–1.
See, for example, the essays by C. Usborne and P. Weindling in R. Wall and J. Winter, eds, The Upheaval of War: Family, Work and Welfare in Europe, 1914–1918 (Cambridge and New York, 1988), pp. 389–404 and 417–38; Quine, Population Politics, chs 2 and 3.
Cherubini (1977), pp. 199–206. The expansion in coverage was dramatic: the percentage of the Italian workforce which was covered by accident insurance rose from about 10 per cent in 1915 to about 50 per cent in 1920. About 80 per cent of British workers and 70 per cent of German workers were covered by similar schemes in 1920: Flora, vol. 1, p. 461.
Toniolo (1990), pp. 129–30.
A. Tasca, The Rise of Italian Fascism, 1918–1922 (New York, 1966), pp. 19ff. R. Vivarelli, ‘Revolution and Reaction in Italy, 1918–1922’, Journal of Italian History, 1:2 (1979), pp. 235–63; D. H. Bell, ‘Working-Class Culture and Fascism in an Industrial Town, 1918–22’, Social History, 9:1 (1982), pp. 1–24, esp. 7–8.
The term derives from C. Maier, Recasting Bourgeois Europe: Stabilization in France, Germany, and Italy in the Decade after World War I (Princeton, 1975), though it is used differently by the author, who examines the development of corporatist economic policies in the 1920s.
Article 25 of the ‘Norme per l’assicurazione obbligatoria contro la disoccupazione involontaria’, Lex: Provvedimenti legislativi e disposizioni ufficiali, Anno V–1919 (Turin, 1919), pp. 1646–65, 1658.
Ibid., art. 23, p. 1655.
Ibid., art. 31, p. 1658; and art. 2 of ‘Norme per il versamento dei contributi per l’assicurazione obbligatoria contro la disoccupazione, decreto del ministro per l’industria, 29 dicembre 1919’, Lex: Legislazione italiana, Anno VI–1920, Gennaio-Giugno, (Rome, 1920), pp. 12–18, 12.
‘Norme per l’assicurazione obbligatoria’, Lex (1919), arts 35, 38 on pp. 1659, 1660. Despite these limitations, the national unemployment office operated on a mass scale. From 1 July 1921 to 30 June 1922, for example, it collected 85.97 million lire in contributions and distributed 84.56 million in benefits: Seventy Years of the National Social Insurance Institute, pp. 299, 300.
The royal decree of 27 October 1922 gave insured people (both men and women), who had accumulated at least 240 fortnightly contributions, the right to take early retirement at the age of 60; fascism never converted this measure into law.
The target represented about 40 per cent of the entire population above 15 years of age: INPS, Per una storia della previdenza sociale in Italia: Studi e documenti, (Rome, 1962), pp. 136–61.
A royal decree of 27 July 1919 stipulated that the council of the administration be composed of both employers’ and workers’ representatives; this ruling was put into practice: Seventy Years of the National Social Insurance Institute, pp. 238–9, 321–8.
Ministero per l’industria, il commercio, ed il lavoro, Direzione generale del lavoro e della previdenza sociale, L’assicurazione obbligatoria contro le malattie. Parte I: Studi preparatori, relazioni, schemi di progetti di legge (Rome, 1920) and Parte II: Verbali delle adunanze della commissione della sottocommissione (Rome, 1921), cited in D. Preti, ‘Per una storia sociale dell’Italia fascista: La tutela della salute nell’organizzazione dello stato corporativo (1922–1940)’, in Salute e classi lavoratrici, pp. 797–834, 813.
Flora, vol. 1, p. 460. In 1921, the national board collected contributions totalling 278 million lire; and it distributed 12 million lire in pension benefits to some 49 000 people: Seventy Years, pp. 515, 521.
For a contrasting view, see Z. Sternhall, with M. Sznajder and M. Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, trans. D. Maisel (Princeton, 1994), p. 229 et passim.
Seton-Watson, p. 702; De Felice, Mussolini il fascista, vol. 2, pp. 4–9, 114ff.; A. Lyttelton, The Seizure of Power: Fascism in Italy, 1919–1929 (London, 1973), chs 6–8.
See the next chapter; and see M. S. Quine, ‘From Malthus to Mussolini: The Italian Eugenics Movement and Fascist Population Policy, 1890–1938’, (PhD thesis, University of London, 1990), chs 4–6.
On the issue of continuity and discontinuity from liberalism to fascism, see S. Cassese, ‘Le istituzioni del fascismo’, Quaderni storici, 12 (1969), pp. 424–37; G. Sabbatucci, ‘Fascist Institutions: Recent Problems and Interpretations’, Journal of Italian History, 1 (Spring, 1979), pp. 75–92.
In his ‘Social Policy under German Fascism’, Stagnation and Renewal in Social Policy: The Rise and Fall of Policy Regimes, ed. M. Rein, G. Esping-Andersen, and L. Rainwater, (Armonk, NY and London, 1987), pp. 59–77, G. V. Rimlinger discusses the difficulties of defining a ‘fascist social policy’.
A. Cherubini (1977), pp. 262, 264–5.
Delzell, pp. 120–6; Mussolini, The Corporate State, pp. 65–74.
W. C. Welk, Fascist Economic Policy: An Analysis of Italy’s Economic Experiment (Cambridge, Mass., 1938), pp. 90–102; R. Sarti, Fascism and the Industrial Leadership in Italy, 1919–1940: A Study in the Expansion of Private Power under Fascism (Berkeley, 1971), intro. and pp. 134–7; P. Melograni, Gli industriali e Mussolini: Rapporti tra confindustria e fascismo dal 1919 al 1929 (Milan, 1980), pp. 240–3 et passim.
‘Assicurazione obbligatoria contro la disoccupazione involuntaria’, Gazzetta ufficiale del regno d’Italia: Gennaio–febbraio, 1924, no. 34 (Rome, 1924), p. 623.
In fact, the regime did not introduce any changes to the 1919 levels of unemployment benefit (set at 1.25 lire for workers earning 4 lire or less per day; 2.50 for those earning 4–8 per day; and 3.75 for those earning 8 or more per day) until February 1937, when unemployed fathers (but not mothers) were given a very modest ‘family supplement’ of .60 lire for every child dependent under 15 years of age.
‘Testo del regolamento (R. D. 7 dicembre 1924, n. 2270) per l’esecuzione del regio decreto 30 dicembre, n. 3158, concernente provvedimenti per l’assicurazione obbligatoria contro la disoccupazione involuntaria’, Lex: Legislazione italiana, Anno XI, 1925 (Turin, 1925), pp. 119–35, arts 45–7, 66–8, pp. 127–8, 131–2.
Salvemini, pp. 277–79; Seventy Years, p. 243–4, 297–9; G. Bronzini, ‘Legislazione sociale ed istituzioni corporative’, Le classe operaia durante il fascismo: Annali Feltrinelli 1979/1980, vol. 20 (Milan, 1981), pp. 315–27, 322.
Seventy Years, pp. 295, 331; Salvemini, p. 323; P. Corner, ‘L’Economia italiana fra le due guerre’, Storia d’Italia Laterza, vol. iv: Guerre e fascismo, ed. G. Sabbatucci and V. Vidotto, (Rome and Bari, 1996), pp. 305–78, 311–19.
D. Preti, ‘Per una storia sociale dell’Italia fascista: La tutela della salute nell’organizzazione dello stato corporativo, 1922– 1940’, Salute e classi lavoratrici, pp. 797–834, 800–4; and, by the same author, Economia e istituzioni nello stato fascista (Rome, 1980), ch. 5, esp. 215–19 and La modernizzazione corporativa, 1922–1940: Economia, salute pubblica, istituzioni e professioni sanitarie (Milan, 1987), pp. 116–23, 199–204.
Seventy Years, pp. 244–9; Camera dei deputati, Legislatura XXVII, La legislazione fascista, 1922–1928, vol. 1 (Rome, 1929), pp. 624–30.
The dictatorship’s official secrecy about the compilation and publication of sensitive data has made the work of scholars investigating living standards very difficult. See two of the most authoritative accounts: B. Buozzi, ‘Le condizioni della classe lavoratrice in Italia, 1922–1943’, Annali dell’Instituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, ed. A. Andreasi, vol. 14 (Milan, 1972), pp. 423–76; V. Zamagni, ‘La dinamica dei salari nel settore industriale’, pp. 530–49.
Unemployment remained well above 1 million during the years from 1932 to 1936; in 1936, the government imposed censorship on the publication of unemployment statistics. Despite the ban, the Confederation of Industry and the National Social Security Institute continued to compile data. See Buozzi, p. 434, n. 40; and ISTAT, Compendio statistico italiano, 1936, vol. 10 (Rome, 1936), p. 148.
C. Saracena, ‘Percorsi di vita femminile nella classe operaia: Tra famiglia e lavoro durante il fascismo’, Memoria, no. 2 (October, 1981), pp. 64–75, 71.
Zamagni (1990), p. 311 cites the work of Piva and Toniolo.
H. S. Miller, Price Control in Fascist Italy (New York, 1938), pp. 15–18; Zamagni (1975), p. 539; A. Mortara, ‘Osservazioni sulla politica dei “tagli salariali” nel decennio 1927–1936’, Industria e banca nella grande crisis, 1929–1934, G. Toniolo, ed. (Milan, 1978), pp. 65–72, 67.
A. Lo Monaco Aprile, La politica assistenziale dell’Italia fascista, p. 306. Gaetano Salvemini, however, cited the example of another fascist ‘expert’, who advised the rural unemployed to do without bread and meat and return to a pellagra-inducing, maize-based diet in order to withstand the crisis. The cabinet minister, Giacomo Acerbo, endorsed these views when, in 1932, he recommended increased production of corn because ‘it serves to feed not only human beings, but also cattle, and especially pigs’; see Salvemini’s ‘The Economics of Fascism’, in Neither Liberty nor Bread: The Meaning and Tragedy of Fascism, ed. F. Keane (New York and London, 1940), pp. 211–17, 217.
Seventy Years, pp. 298–9; W. Ebenstein, Fascist Italy (New York, 1939), pp. 173–4;
Cherubini (1977), p. 223.
Buozzi, p. 457.
A. Lo Monaco Aprile (1931), p. 308.
The INPS was also called the Istituto Nazionale Fascista della Previdenza Sociale (INFPS - National Fascist Institute of Social Insurance).
Article 1 of R. D. L. 4 ottobre 1935–XIII, n. 1827, ‘Perfezionamento e coordinamento legislativo della previdenza sociale’, Lex: Legislazione italiana, Anno XXI–1935, (Turin 1935), pp. 1333–69, 1333.
Ibid., p. 1341; and art. 11, p. 1335.
On the failure of fascism’s settlement scheme, see H. M. Larebo, The Building of an Empire: Italian Land Policy and Practice in Ethiopia, 1935–1941 (Oxford, 1994), esp. ch. 5.
L. Conti, L’assistenza e la previdenza sociale: Storia e problemi (Milan, 1958), pp. 79–84; and see, Cherubini (1979), p. 278 and Zamagni (1990), ch. 9.
ASN, P, I Serie, Categoria 7, b. 19, f. 5, INFPS, contains numerous testimonies; see the deposition of Albertina D., 17 January 1937.
ASN, P, I Serie, Categoria 7, b. 19, f. 5, testimony of Maria M., 17 September 1937.
ASN, P, I Serie, Categoria 7, b. 19, f. 5., sf. sussidio di disoccupazione, letter of Maria B. to the mayor, passed on to the prefect for his attention, 27 April 1938. The prefect approved the decision.
P. Morgan, ‘Italian Fascist Social Welfare Policy, 1927–37’, Tuttitalia, 4 (1991), pp. 2–8.
P. Togliatti (1976), pp. 46–8, 73, 144.
ISTAT, Annuario statistico italiano, 1938–XVI, vol. 4 (Rome, 1938), p. 260–1.
ACS, SPD, CO, 1922–1943, b. 41, f. l.81421, famiglie bisognose, letter of prefect to the SPD, dated 11 December 1933, and elenco dei sussidi.
ACS, PCM, G, ‘Beneficenza, 1933–1939’, b. 1, spese casuali – elenco dei sussidi, which covers 1934; there are a total of 12 boxes in all.
ACS, PNF, DN, Servizi Amministrativi, b. 146, giustificazioni di casa, 20/5–5/6 1939, a group of papers, see especially letter of Bozzi, the federal secretary, to Marinelli, the administrative secretary, 22 May 1939.
H. S. Miller, pp. 18–20.
ASV, GP, Serie I, m. 79 (86), f. 363, situazione politica, letter of the police chief to the prefect, dated 31 January 1931, which reports that ‘the working-class masses do not have incomes which are high enough to support the cost of living’ because of this practice of over-charging, something that ‘almost all the merchants and shopkeepers’ were doing.
At the same time that workers were losing access to affordable food, the state was extending benefits to its public employees which aimed at ‘combating the cost of living’. A new law of 21 March 1926 founded the ‘Provvida’, a co-operative, under the ministry of communications, which sold publicly subsidized food to all grades of state employees: See ACS, PCM, 1927, f. 3 sf. 16, Protocollo 337, titolo dell’affare–estensione dei benefici della ‘Provvida’, Ciano’s appunto for Mussolini, 17 April 1927.
Atti del Consiglio Superiore dell’Economia Nazionale: Sessione V-Riunione del 23 novembre 1926 (Rome, 1927), pp. 130–77.
G. F. Venè, Mille lire al mese: La vita quotidiana della famiglia nell’Italia fascista (Milan, 1988), pp. 104–22, esp. 112 and 118; Buozzi, pp. 429–30.
D. Preti, ‘La politica agraria del fascismo: Note introduttive’, Studi storici, 14:4 (1973), pp. 802–69, 844–5.
AST, GP, m. 322, f. urbanesimo – affari vari, contains the circular sent to prefects and the police by the Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione Generale della Pubblica Sicurezza, on 8 December 1928.
AST, GP, m. 322, f. Città di Torino, Divisione XII – servizi demografici, 1929–1937, elenco nominativo delle persone rimpatriate, 2 August 1933.
AST, GP, m. 322, f. Città di Torino, Divisione XII – servizi demografici, 1929–1937, relazione mensile sul movimento migratorio, prefect to the Gabinetto of the Ministero dell’Interno, July 1933; and see the report of May 1933, which reveals that the majority of the repatriated were unemployed braccianti. Compare the monthly reports in this holding to the findings of A. Treves, Le migrazioni interne nell’Italia fascista (Turin, 1974 or 1976), pp. 91ff. and 110–33. According to Treves, the laws against urbanism were not implemented fully because industrialists opposed them for fear of their impact on the labour market and the costs of labour. The author argues that this policy mainly served a rhetorical and ideological function within the dictatorship.
AST, GP, m. 322, f. migrazioni interne, contains a circular sent by the Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, Commissariato per le Migrazioni e la Colonizzazione to all prefects in the kingdom, 4 December 1937. D. V. Glass estimated that 62 of the nation’s 92 prefectures made use of banishment orders to restrict internal migration: Population Policies and Movements in Europe (1940; reprinted New York, 1968), p. 230.
AST, GP, m. 322, f. migrazioni interne, Mussolini’s letter of 1 April 1933 outlined that rural migrants who ‘don’t have work, nor any prospect of finding it’ should be paid about 200 lire to ‘remove themselves’ from Turin. He promised a fund of 200 million lire, and sent 2 million as an advance to help cover the costs of the programme.
D. V. Glass, pp. 222–4.
G. Salvemini, Under the Axe of Fascism, pp. 299–302.
G. C. Baravelli, The Policy of Public Works under the Fascist Regime (Rome, 1935), p. 55.
Ibid., p. 56.
M. Casciato, ‘L’abitazione e spazi domestici’, La famiglia italiana dall’ottocento a oggi, pp. 526–87, 533.
Ibid., pp. 552 and 555.
ACS, SPD, CO, 1922–1943, b. 225, f. 528, Istituto Romano di Beni Stabili, report of Eugenio Tarsia di Belmonte, accompanied by 120 signatures from tenants, to the party secretariat, 4 March 1931, and the uninterested response of Allessandro Chiavolini of 14 March 1931.
For economic reasons, the superior council of the national economy decided in 1929 to defer introducing compulsory general health insurance and to encourage the growth of privately funded occupational schemes. A universal system would have required an expensive overhaul of the nation’s hospitals. Only in 1943 did the regime introduce a national contributory system of health insurance (open to waged workers and salaried employees) with the foundation of INAM or INFAM (Istituto Nazionale (Fascista) per l’Assistenza di Malattia ai Lavoratori – The National (Fascist) Institute for Workers’ Health Assistance): ‘Recensioni’, Difesa sociale, 13:1 (January 1935), pp. 41–43; Cherubini (1977), pp. 339–49; 737–8; A. Piperno, ‘La politica sanitaria’, Welfare state all’italiana, pp. 153–84, 165–8.
The term belongs to N. Tranfaglia, ‘La modernizzazione contraddittoria negli anni della stabilizzazione del regime, 1926–36’, Il regime fascista, ed. A. Del Boca, M. Legnani and M. G. Rossi, (Rome and Bari, 1995), pp. 127–38.
Seventy Years, p. 520–2; ISTAT, Sommario di statistiche storiche dell’Italia, 1861–1965, table 26, p. 38.
B. Bianchi, ‘I tessili: Lavoro, salute, conflitti’, Annali Feltrinelli, 1979–1980, pp. 973–1071, 1030–8 on labour conditions in the wool industry.
See the correspondence of the fascist syndicate (unione industriale fascista di Biella) with the prefect and with employers in ASV, GP, Serie I, confederazione nazionale dei sindacati fascisti dell’industria, m. 70, f. 328, especially letter of I. Stagno to the prefect of Vercelli, dated 25 February 1932, concerning conditions within the woollen industry.
B. Biagi (president of the INPS), ‘Family Allowances in Italy’, International Labour Review, 35:4 (April, 1937), pp. 457–87, 466.
D. V. Glass, p. 258.
Biagi, ‘Family Allowances’, pp. 484–5.
Cherubini (1969), p. 743.
Seventy Years, p. 304.
Zamagni (1975), p. 541.
R. D. L. 4 ottobre 1935 – Perfezionamento e coordinamaneto legislativo della previdenza sociale’, Lex (1935), p. 1349; Buozzi (1972), p. 457; C. Vannutelli, ‘The Living Standards of Italian Workers, 1929–1939’, in The Ax Within: Italian Fascism in Action, ed. R. Sarti (New York, 1974), pp. 139–85, 155; V. Zamagni, ‘Distribuzione del reddito e classi sociali nell’Italia fra le due guerre’, Annali Feltrinelli, 1979–1980, pp. 17–50, 31.
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Quine, M.S. (2002). Fascism’s New Deal: Social Insurance under a ‘Totalitarian’ State. In: Italy’s Social Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403919793_5
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