Abstract
TO CONCLUDE WHAT I have said this year I am going to try to bring to the fore what I have kept at the back of my mind while I have been talking. Basically, the point of departure was this: why this strange institution, the prison? The question is justified on several counts. In the first place, it is justified historically by the fact that the prison as a penal instrument was, after all, a radical innovation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Suddenly, all the old forms of punishment, all that marvelous and shimmering folklore of classical punishments—the stocks, quartering, hanging, burning at the stake, and so on—gave way to this monotonous function of confinement. Historically, then, it is something new. Moreover, theoretically, I do not think the necessity of imprisonment can be deduced from the penal theories formulated in the second half of the eighteenth century, it cannot be deduced as a system of punishment coherent with these new theories. Theoretically it is a foreign element. Finally, for a functional reason:* the prison was dysfunctional from the start. First it was realized that the new system of penality did not bring about any reduction in the number of criminals, and then that it led to recidivism; that it quite perceptibly reinforced the cohesion of the group formed by delinquents.
Theme of the lectures: the prison-form as social form; a knowledge-power. (I) General analysis of power. Four schemas to be rejected. 1. Appropriation: power is not possessed, it is exercised. The case of worker saving. 2. Localization: power is not strictly localized in the State apparatuses, but is much more deep rooted. The case of police in the eighteenth century and of the penal in the nineteenth century. 3. Subordination: power does not guarantee, but constitutes modes of production. The case of sequestration. 4. Ideology: the exercise of power is not the site of the formation of ideology, but of knowledge; all knowledge makes possible the exercise of a power. The case of administrative survey (surveillance). (II) Analysis of disciplinary power: normalization, habit, discipline. ∽ Comparison of the use of the term “habit” in the philosophy of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Comparison of power-sovereignty in the eighteenth century and power-normalization in the nineteenth century. ∽ Sequestration produces the norm and produces normal individuals. New type of discourses: the human sciences.
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Notes
reprinted in L. Althusser, Positions (Paris: Éditions Sociales, 1976) pp. 79–137;
English translation Ben Brewster, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,” in L. Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy (London: New Left Books, 1971).
C. Hannaway, “The Société royale de médecine and epidemics in the Ancien Régime,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 46, 1972, p. 257;
J.-P. Desaive et al., Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIII siècle (Paris: Éditions de l’EHESS, 1972).
see V. Tournay, “‘Le concept de police médicale.’ D’une aspiration militante à la production d’une objectivité administrative,” Politix, 2007/1, no. 77, pp. 173–199;
A. Chéruel, Dictionnaire historique des institutions, mœurs et coutumes de la France, first part, Paris: Librarne Hachette et Cie, 1899, p. 123
quoted by B. Magliulo, Les Chambres de commerce et d’industrie, Paris: PUF, 1980, p. 31
see E. Pendleton Herring, “Chambres de Commerce: Their Legal Status and Political Significance,” The American Political Science Review, vol. 25(3), August 1931, pp. 691–692;
see also A. Conquet, Napoléon [III] et les chambres de commerce, APPCI, 1978.
See A. de Sartine, Journal des inspecteurs de M. de Sartines, 1re partie, 1761–1764 (Brussels: Ernest Parent, 1863).
J.-C. Farcy, Guide des archives judiciaires et pénitentiaires 1800–1948 (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1992, p. 228
See: M. Perrot, “Premières mesures des faits sociaux: les débuts de la statistique criminelle en France 1780–1830,” in [collective,] Pour une histoire de la statistique, vol. I: Contributions/Journées d’études sur l’histoire de la statistique (Vaucresson, 1976) (Paris: INSEE, 1977) pp. 125–177;
Ministère de la Justice, Compte générale de l’administration de la justice criminelle en France pendant l’année 1880 et Rapport relatif aux années 1826 à 1880, published with a commentary by Michelle Perrot and Philippe Robert (Geneva and Paris: Slatkine Reprints, 1989).
G. Michel and A. Liesse, Vauban économiste, Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit et Cie, 1891, p. 17
See also A. Rebelliau, Vauban [published by Jacques Lovie] (Paris: Club des libraires de France, 1962).
see Robert Castel, “Le traitement moral. Thérapeutique mentale et contrôle social au XIXe siècle,” Topique, no. 2, 1970, pp. 109–129.
On this subject, see G. Rusche and O. Kirchheimer, Punishment and Social Structure (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939).
See D. Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, ed., L. A. Selby-Bigge (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978 [1739]) Book I, Part III, Section XVI, p. 179:
see D. Owen, Hume’s Reason (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) ch. 7, pp. 147–174.
see J. Maitron, ed., Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier Français. Première partie: 1789–1864. De la Révolution française à la fondation de la Première Internationale (Paris: Les Éditions ouvrières, 1865) 3 volumes, vol. II, pp. 309–311.
see M. Stefanovska Saint-Simon, un historien dans les marges (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1998) p. 29.
summarized in English by Stephen Davidson in Armand Renaud, ed., Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Conference of XVIIth-Century French Literature, with programs and brief account of the first, second, third conference (Minneapolis, MN: 1972), pp. 22–23.
See E. Durkheim, Le Suicide. Étude de sociologie (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1897);
English translation by John A. Spalding and George Simpson, Suicide. A Study in Sociology (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1952).
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Harcourt, B.E., Ewald, F., Fontana, A. (2015). 28 March 1973. In: Harcourt, B.E., Ewald, F., Fontana, A. (eds) The Punitive Society. Michel Foucault. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532091_13
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