Abstract
Just after World War I ended, Mrs. W Humphrey wrote to the US Food Office in Portland, indignant and humiliated that her home had been searched by federal agents acting on a tip that she was hoarding sugar. She listed her many activities in support of the war effort, including volunteer gardening and nursing work. She was sure that a woman on her street, who was “foreign,” unlike the native-born Mrs. Humphrey, had reported her unfairly. To make matters worse, the foreign woman “would abuse the Red Cross and its methods of collecting money.” There is suffering evident in her letter. She and her husband were of modest means, not young or in good health, and she was “today bare for things I need to help my dear homeland.” The government had humiliated her before her neighbors and she responded in the only way many individuals during the war felt able to: with proof of her active loyalty and intrinsic Americanism. She discredited her accuser by taking these characteristics away from the foreign woman who would remain anonymous.1
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Notes
William J. Breen, Uncle Sam at Home: Civilian Mobilization, Wartime Federalism, and the Council of National Defense, 1911–1919 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984), 9, 13, 22–23.
Newspaper clipping (Jan. 18, 1918), Folder 2137, Box 12, RG 165 [War Department General and Special Staffs], National Archives, Seattle, WA; newspaper clipping (Feb. 4, 1918); Emergency Fleet News, Feb. 28, 1918, pp. 1–2; Mar. 18, 1918, p. 1; William J. Breen, Labor Market Politics and the Great War: The Department of Labor, the States, and the First U.S. Employment Service, 1907–1933 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1997), 85.
“Plan for the Organization and Administration of the Smith-Hughes Act,” Oregon Plans 1917–18 folder, Box 189, Entry 82, RG 12 [Department of Education], National Archives, College Park, MD; on the transformative nature of the Smith-Hughes Act, see Willis Rudy, Building America’s Schools and Colleges: The Federal Contribution (Cranbury, NJ: Cornwall Books, 2003), Chapter 7; Johnson No. 51 to Mr. Carris (June 12–13, 1918), Johnson—Oregon 1918 folder, Box 38, Entry 82B, RG 12; for descriptions of the city’s new vocational schools, see the brochure Portland Secondary Schools: Opportunities Offered, Stanley 1919 Oregon folder.
On federal housing policy, see Curtice N. Hitchcock, “The War Housing Program and Its Future,” Journal of Political Economy 27 (Apr. 1919): 241–279;
on the EFC and housing specifically, see Kristin M. Szylvian, “Industrial Housing Reform and the Emergency Fleet Corporation,” Journal of Urban History 25 (July 1999): 647–689.
Portland Housing Association, “A Housing Investigation in Portland, Oregon [1918],” p. 4, Folder 11, Box 1, Mss. 1413 [Portland Housing Authority Records], Oregon Historical Society, Portland; this first perspective on the zoning struggle has been ably chronicled by Carl Abbott, Portland: Planning, Politics, and Growth in a Twentieth-Century City (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), Chapter 4,
and E. Kimbark MacColl, The Growth of a City: Power and Politics in Portland, Oregon, 1915–1950 (Portland, OR: The Georgian Press, 1979), 296–307.
William Clinton Mullendore, History of the United States Food Administration, 1911–1919 (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1941), 333–337; Mrs. W. Humphrey to US Food Office (Dec. 12, 1918), Sept. 1918 to End [Part II] folder, Box 60, RG 4; Acting Federal Food Administrator for Oregon to Humphrey (Dec. 14, 1918).
Maxcy Robson Dickson, The Food Front in World War I (Washington, DC: American Council on Public Affairs, 1944), 151–152; Anonymous to District Attorney, Portland (Oct. 29, 1918), Haney folder, Box 60, RG 4.
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© 2016 Adam J. Hodges
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Hodges, A.J. (2016). Policing Everyday Life: Federal Power, Local Elites, and Citizen Spies. In: World War I and Urban Order. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137498113_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137498113_3
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