Abstract
In the economic history literature, there has been a long debate on how to generate and nurture modern growth in a premodern society with a list of influential authors who have devoted their time and energy contemplating ways to conduct social changes to accommodate modern growth in a premodern society.1 This is because industrialization-cum-modern growth only ever occurred ‘naturally’ once in England during the eighteenth century. In other words, modern growth was historically highly conditional and occasional. For the rest of the world, China included, it was a learning process. If so, it was a matter of (1) how much resistance to change from the Weberian notion of culture and values,2 (2) whether the elite wanted to have modern growth and (3) whether the elite were able to create and manipulate indigenous socio-economic conditions to allow modern growth to take root and reach maturity and so on. Empirically, many societies have tried to generate and nurture industrialization through reverse engineering. Good examples are twentieth-century Soviet Union, Japan and the Asian Tigers as well as nineteenth-century United States and Germany. Evidence shows that as early as circa 1800 learning from the outside world—Western Europe, the Soviet Union and the Asian Tigers—become obvious among the Chinese elite.
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Notes and references
For example, Alexander Gerschenkron (1962) Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press);
D. C. North and R. P. Thomas (1973) The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press);
Arthur Lewis, ‘Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour’, in Mark Gersovitz (ed.) (1983) Selected Economic Writings of W. Arthur Lewis (New York: New York University Press), pp. 139–76;
A. H. Amsden (1989) Asia’s Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialization (New York: Oxford University Press);
Robert Wade (1990) Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialisation (Princeton: Princeton University Press).
In this context, the Marxian notion of a common and uni-linear growth path towards modernity for all societies is no more than a fantasy; see Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1963) Communist Manifesto (New York: Russell and Russell);
cf. W. W. Rostow (1966) The Stages of Economic Growth, a Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Almost all Western scholars accept Max Weber’s notion that China’s traditional culture and values hindered to some extent its modernity. See Max Weber (1951) The Religion of China (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press).
It is believed that from 1552 to 1800 a total of 920 Jesuits entered China; see David E. Mungello (2005) The Great Encounter of China and The West, 1500–1800 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield), p. 37.
By 1844, there were about 240,000 Roman Catholics, a mere 0.06 per cent of China’s population of the time; see Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p. 83.
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Maxine Berg (1988) ‘Manufacturing the Orient, Asian Commodities and European Industry, 1500–1800’, in Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed.), Prodotti e Tecniche d’Oltremare nelle Economie Europee (Florence: Le Monnier), pp. 394 –6;
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John M. Hobson (2004) The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
For the debate and assessment, see Kent Deng (2008) ‘Miracle or Mirage? Foreign Silver, China’s Economy and Globalisation of the Sixteenth to Nineteenth Centuries’, Pacific Economic Review, 13(3), pp. 320–57.
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D. O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez (1995) ‘Born with a “Silver Spoon”: The Origin of World Trade’, Journal of World History, 2, pp. 201–21;
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See Gang Deng (1997) Chinese Maritime Activities and Socio-economic Consequences, c. 2100 b.c.–1900 a.d. (New York, London and West Port: Greenwood Press), chs 4 and 5.
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It reads ‘天朝物产丰盈, 无所不有, 原不藉外夷货物以通有无. 特因天朝所产茶叶, 瓷器, 丝斤为西洋各国及尔国必需之物, 是以加恩体恤, 在澳门开设洋行, 俾得日用 有资, 并沾余润’. See Anon A. (1985)《清高宗实录》[Veritable Records of Emperor Gaozong of the Qing Dynasty] (Reprint. Beijing: Zhonghua Books), vol. 1435, p. 15.
Numerous sources; see e.g. Xu Haisong (2000) Qingchu Shiren Yu Xixue [The Chinese Literati and Western Knowledge] (Beijing: East Press);
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Deep down, Macartney’s episode was not about the differences in social formalities but cultural/racial hegemony and supremacy between China and the West; see Zhang Guogang (2003) Cong Zhongxi Chushi Dao Liyi Zhi Zheng [From a Favourable Impression to the Conflict with Formalities] (Beijing: People’s Press).
See F. W. Drake (1975) China Charts the World: Hsu Chi-Yü and His Geography of 184810, (Cambridge, Mass.), chs 8–9.
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There are numerous works on the cause, incentive and impact of the opium trade, to mention only several by Frederick Wakeman, Jr. (1975) The Fall of Imperial China (Boston: The Free Press), ch. 7;
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In 1729, the Portuguese shipped the first recorded 200 chests of opium to Macao, ushering in the age of opium trade with China; see John Phipps (1835) A Practical Treatise on the China and Eastern Trade (London: Wm H. Allen), p. 208. The first British opium cargo arrived half a century later in 1773; see E. H. Pritchard (1929) Anglo-Chinese Relations during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press), p. 150.
See Gong Yingyan (1999) Yapiande Chuanbo Yu Duihua Yapian Maoyi [Spread of Opium Consumption and Opium Imports of China ](Beijing: East Press), p. 118.
This was well documented in Jia Zhen’s Chouban Yiwu Shimo, Daoguang Chao [History of Foreign Affairs during the Daoguang Reign] (1867, reprint, Beijing: Zhonghua Books, 1964), vol. 2, pp. 3–4.
China’s opium imports from Singapore of the 1830s, 55 per cent was paid in silver; see Yan Zhongping (1955) Zhongguo Jindaishi Tongji Ziliao Xuanji [Selected Statistical Materials of Economic History of Early Modern China] (Beijing: Science Press), p. 35. From 1795 to 1840, 72 per cent of China’s opium import from Calcutta was paid in silver; see Gong Yingyan, Yapiande Chuanbo, p. 179.
Based on Yen-p’ing Hao (1986) The Commercial Revolution in Nineteenth-Century China (Berkeley: University of California Press), p. 69; cf. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company, vols 3–5.
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It included the Nians in the north, Taipings in the south, the Muslims in the northwest and the Miaos in the southwest; see Kent Deng (2011) China’s Political Economy in Modern Times: Changes and Economic Consequences, 1800–2000 (London: Routledge Press) ch. 4.
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Against embezzlement, waste and bureaucracy among officials; and against bribery of the government officials, tax evasion, stealing from the state, cutting corners in state-contracted works, and spying on state economic secrets by the private sector. For the data, see Liao Luyan, ‘Guanyu Jieshu Wufan Yundong He Chuli Yiliu Wentide Baogao’ [Report on the Ending of the Five-Anti Movement and Its Residual Issues], 17 October 1952 (Beijing: Central Archives);
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For a case called ‘The Narrow Valley’ (Jiabian Gou) in the Gobi Desert in remote Gansu, see survivals’ accounts: He Fengming (2001) JingliȁWode 1957 Nian [The Year 1957 When A Disaster Struck on Me] (Lanzhou: Dunhuang Literature and Art Press);
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For the 1998 ranking, see World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2000, pp. i–ii; for the 1999 ranking, see World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2002 (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2002), pp. i–ii; see also World Bank, Development Report, 2000/2001, p. 271.
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Deng, K.G. (2015). A Swinging Pendulum: The Chinese Way in Growth and Development from 1800 to the Present Day. In: Kerr, D. (eds) China’s Many Dreams. The Nottingham China Policy Institute series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137478979_5
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