Abstract
Turkey’s former deputy prime minister Beşir Atalay said in an interview that during the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) rule since 2002, almost 60 percent of all reforms and democratization initiatives undertaken were related to the Kurdish issue.1 This statement alone illustrates the centrality of the Kurdish issue in Turkey’s political and democratic evolution. The domestic consequences and economic costs of the Kurdish issue have been all too evident: over 40,000 deaths, a military-dominated hybrid political regime, an economic bill of hundreds of billions of dollars, the institution of a regime of impunity in the Kurdish plurality east and southeast of Turkey as a result of the emergence of a dual legal system in a country that takes pleasure from emphasizing the unitary nature of its state, and the fast fraying social bondages between state and the Kurds are a few such domestic repercussions to name.
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Notes
See Besir Atalay’s interview with Nil Gülsüm in Yeni Safak, Nil Gülsüm, “Türkiye nefes aldi,” Yeni Safak, October 13, 2013. Accessed October 23, 2014. http://www.yenisafak.com.tr/roportaj/turkiye-nefes-aldi-573622.
Galip Dalay, “Foreign Policy Implications of the Kurdish Peace for Turkey,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2013
Dilek Kurban, “Europe as an Agent of Change: The Role of the European Court of Human Rights and the EU in Turkey’s Kurdish Policies,” SWP Research Paper, October 6, 2014.
For an overview of the Turkish republic’s securitization politics, see Galip Dalay, “Kurdish Peace Process: The Latest Phase of De-Securitisation politics,” Al Jazeera, May 14, 2013
For a journalist’s perspective on the state’s securitization of the Kurdish issue, especially in the roiling years of 1990s, see Hasan Cemal, Kürtler (Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2003)
For a good account of how the Kurdish issue has been perceived and presented in the state’s discourse, see Mesut Yegen, Devlet Söyleminde Kürt Sorunu, (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1999).
Mesut Yegen, “The AK Party and the Kurdish Question: Conflict to Negotiation,” Al Jazeera Center for Studies Report, January 15, 2014.
Metin Atmaca, “Ozal’dan Erdogan’a Kurt Sorununda Cozum Sureci,” in Hakan Samur and Zelai Kizilkan Kisacik (eds) Turkiye’nin Demokratiklesmesi: Etnik-Dini Kesimler Uzerinden Degisimin Analizi, (Konya: Cizgi Yayinevi, 2014), pp. 19–53.
See, Taha Ozhan and Hatem Ete, “Kürt Meselesi: Problemler ve Cözüm Önerileri,” SETA Analiz, November 2008.
For a wide range of analyses on the JDP’s policies/vision in its early years and the evolution of Political Islam in Turkey, see, M. Hakan Yavuz, ed., The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Utah: University of Utah Press, 2006).
As regards the JDP’s utilization of human rights and democracy discourse as a shield against the then powerful secularist establishment and as a mean for systemic security and legitimacy, see Ihsan Dagi, “The Justice and Development Party: Identity, Politics, and Human Rights Discourse in the Search for Security and Legitimacy,” in M. Hakan Yavuz (ed.) The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2006), pp. 88–107.
For instance, İbrahim Kalin, “Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in Turkey,” Perceptions 16, no. 3 (2011): 5–23.
See Davutoglu’s interview with Ibrahim Karagül, “Tek bir başarı hikayesi var,” Yeni Safak, September 15, 2014. Accessed October 24, 2014. http://www.yenisa-fak.com.tr/roportaj/tek-bir-basari-hikayesi-var-685039.
See Galip Dalay, “The Kurdish Peace Process: Ideology, Interest, and the Regional Dynamics,” GMF Series on Turkey, Analysis, April 29, 2014.
Galip Dalay, “Kurdish Peace Process: The Latest Phase of De-Securitisation Politics.” Al Jazeera Opinion, 14 May 2013, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/05/2013514154722778273.html, Accessed May 8, 2015.
For a short read on how Turkey-KRG’s economic and energy relations soon evolved into a strategic partnership, see David Phillips, “Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan Are Strategic Partners,” Atlantic Council, June 27, 2009.
Galip Dalay, “Çözüm süreci ve düşündürdükleri,” Star — Acik Görüs, March 2, 2013.
Gonul Tol, “Untangling the Turkey-KRG Energy Partnership: Looking beyond Economic Drivers,” Instituto Affari Internazionali Policy Brief 14, March 2014.
For example, see Mohammed M. A. Ahmed and Michael M. Gunter, eds., The Kurdish Spring: Geopolitical Changes and the Kurds (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda, 2013).
Galip Dalay, “Turkey’s Approach to Syria’s Kurds Ignores Potential Gains,” World Politics Review, August 15, 2012.
Galip Dalay, “The Kurdish Peace Process: Ideology, Interest, and the Regional Dynamics,” GMF on Turkey, April 29, 2014.
See reporting by Alex Christie Miller on the stern exchanges between PYD and Turkey, “Kurds Accuse Turkish Government of Supporting ISIS,” Newsweek, October 22, 2014. Accessed October 26, 2014. http://www.newsweek.com/2014/10/31/kurds-accuse-turkish-government-supporting-isis-278776.html.
For an analysis on the ramifications of the October 6–7 protests on the peace process, see Yunus Akbaba, “6–7 Ekim Olaylari ve Cozum Sureci,” SETA Perspektif, October 2014.
See the former deputy prime minister and current JDP spokesperson Besir Atalay’s interview with Fadime Ozkan, “Beşir Atalay: Kobani olayları Cözüm Süreci’ni aşıladı,” Star, October 19, 2014. Accessed October 26, 2014. http://haber.stargazete.com/yazar/hdp-oyuna-geldigini-anladi-kobani-olaylari-sureci-asiladi/yazi-953671.
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© 2015 B. Senem Çevik and Philip Seib
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Dalay, G. (2015). Addressing Controversy II: Turkey and the Kurds. In: Çevik, B.S., Seib, P. (eds) Turkey’s Public Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137466983_10
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137466983_10
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