Abstract
Early African response to war labour demands greatly varied and was by no means wholly negative. Initially, many actually volunteered for war service. The relatively high wage scale provided a clear incentive to enlistment not merely as a means of meeting colonial tribute obligations such as poll tax, but as a means of purchasing ‘luxury’ goods with the surplus cash.1 Thus, one Ngoni remembered the response of some men in his village: ‘They were happy because they were going to work and were going to be paid.’2 Such financial incentives even attracted a few mission teachers. At St Paul’s Anglican Church, Fort Jameson, one missionary scribbled in his log book: ‘Fined a teacher, no school, earning money as tenga-tenga.’3 Furthermore, until the May 1916 offensive, carrying distances remained relatively short and were conducted along established routes in conditions akin to peacetime carrier work. During early wartime, therefore, Company officials were surprised by the enthusiastic response to labour calls in some areas. At Abercorn, an official noted the keen response to early war carrier work4 and likewise at Mporokoso.5
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Notes
J. H. Venning, ‘Mwanawina III and the First World War’, Northern Rhodesian Journal, Vol. 4(1) (1959): 83–6 (83).
NAZ, KDG 1/1/1, E. Lane-Poole, Confidential Report, 29 May 1918. For examples of African evasion of war levies by enrolment on European farms and plantations elsewhere in Central and East Africa, see Savage and Forbes Munro, ‘Carriers Corps Recruitment in the British East Africa Protectorate, 1914–1918’, pp. 329–30; J. Lonsdale, ‘Political Associations in Western Kenya’ in R. Rotberg and A. Mazrui (eds), Protest and Power in Black Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 592. M. E. Page asserts that some Nyasaland planters actually encouraged this strategy in order to protect their own labour supply; Page, ‘Malawians in the Great War and after, 1914–25’ (PhD dissertation: Michigan State University, 1977), pp. 67–8. Such motives probably lay behind the strong opposition of north-east Rhodesian planters to government attempts to reform the ‘ticket system’ in 1917. See Chapter 7, pp. 194–5.
As T. O. Ranger succinctly observes: ‘There was more than one way of exploiting a certain type of environment and factors such as the degree of political organisation and the economics and cultural heritage of groups […] helped to determine the nature of the agricultural systems’. T. O. Ranger, The Agricultural History of Zambia (Lusaka: Historical Association of Zambia, 1971), p. 6. See also Hellen, Rural Economic Development in Zambia, 1890–1964, pp. 81–3.
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© 2015 Edmund James Yorke
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Yorke, E.J. (2015). Colonial Dependence and African Opportunity: The Indigenous Response to War Exigencies. In: Britain, Northern Rhodesia and the First World War. Studies in Military and Strategic History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137435798_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137435798_4
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