Abstract
During the period 1850–1899, the Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) was significantly high in many parts of Britain.1 At least 15 per cent of all infant deaths occurred in the industrial northeast and northwest areas.2 Districts such as Leeds and Manchester feature strongly in these high rates, and the historical demographer Robert Woods has argued it is these areas which should ‘command’ the historian’s attention due to their impact on the national rates during the latter half of the nineteenth century.3 Joshua Ikin, a medical practitioner working in Leeds during the 1860s, was concerned about these rates, and reiterated the concerns of the Registrars General who lamented ‘the evil of the employment of … women in work that requires them to leave their own homes’. They argued that the consequences of this was that the child:
is deprived of its proper nourishment … and that the fearful death which prevails amongst children, where the mothers work in mills or at any out of doors labour must be accounted for in a large measure by injurious influences. The deduction drawn from manufacturing towns … is that the mother is away during the greater part of the day and the child is left … the mother hardly sees her child from the time she goes to work. It is impossible she should have much of the feelings of the mother, and experience shows that she has very often none …4
The belief in the link between the high northern IMR and ‘industrial and urban motherhood’ during the period 1850–1899 still prevails today in the pertinent scholarship.
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Notes
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas of Victorian Mortality (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press), pp. 47 and 51. This theory was based on the work of R.I. Woods, P.A. Watterson and J.H. Woodward, (1988) ‘The Causes of Rapid Infant Mortality Decline in England and Wales, 1861–1921’ Parts I and II, Population Studies, 42, pp. 43, 113–32 and 343–66, and N. Williams and C. Galley, (1995) ‘Urban Differentials in Infant Mortality in Victorian England’, Population Studies, 49, pp. 401–20. The recent work of Emma Griffin and Keith Morgan recognises these high rates. See E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History of the British Industrial Revolution (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan), p. 160 and K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth of Industrial Britain: Social Change 1750–1850 (Harlow: Pearson Longman), p. 27.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, pp. 49–51 and 60.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, p. 51.
J. Ikin, (1865) ‘Abstract from a Paper on the Undue Mortality of Infants and Children in Connection with the Question of Early Marriages, Drugging Children, Bad Nursing, Death Clubs and Certificates of Death’, Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science 1864 (NAPSS) (Leeds), p. 22. Ikin’s research focused on anatomy and physiology. As the above quote illustrates although there are recognised differences between nineteenth-century mills and factories, the former being the forerunner of the factory which used mainly male labour and the latter which increasingly used women’s, the evidence used in this work suggests that the terms were interchangeable and contemporaries used the word ‘mill’ to describe ‘factory’ during 1850–1899. This work reflects this dynamic. See also for example The Bee Hive 9 March 1872 which cited groups of ‘mill girls’ in Leeds factories and the Leeds Evening Express 18 March 1872 which discussed Leeds female factory workers. Cited in S.O. Rose, (1992) Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Routledge), p. 69 fns. 88 and 89. For an example of working environments prior to the factory in the West Riding see P. Hudson, (1983) ‘From Manor to Mill: the West Riding in Transition’, in M. Berg, P. Hudson and M. Sonenscher, (1983) Manufacture in Towns and Cities Before the Factory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
R. Woods, (2006) ‘Newman’s Infant Mortality as an Agenda for Research’, in E. Garrett, C. Galley, N. Shelton and R. Woods, (2006) (eds.) Infant Mortality: A Continuing Social Problem (Aldershot: Ashgate), pp. 18–33. See also E. Garrett, C. Galley, N. Shelton and R. Woods (2006) (eds.) in E. Garrett et al. ‘Infant Mortality’, pp. 4, 10, 27, 33–49, (esp. p. 38) p. 186 and 191–212 and R. Woods, et al., ‘The Causes’: Part II, pp. 113–32, particularly p. 115.
E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History, p. 160 and K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth, p. 27.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, An Atlas, pp. 51 and 47–51.
N. Williams and G. Mooney, (1994) ‘Infant Mortality in an Age of Great Cities, London and the English Provincial Cities Compared c. 1840–1910’, Continuity and Change, 2, p. 191 and R. Woods and N. Shelton, An Atlas, pp. 48–51. See also S. Szreter and G. Mooney, (1998) ‘Urbanization, Mortality and the Standard of Living Debate: New Estimates of the Expectancy of Life at Birth in Nineteenth Century British Cities’, Economic History Review, 51, pp. 84–112.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, passim. Of course rural areas are important and a recent study from Pamela Birch has contributed to this under-researched area. See P. Birch, (1998) ‘Factors in the Structure and Decline of Infant Mortality in the Ampthill Sub District of Bedfordshire 1873–1900’. Unpublished, B. Phil, Open University.
S. King and G. Timmins, (2001) Making Sense of the Industrial Revolution; English Economy and Society 1700–1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press), pp. 216–17.
P. Hudson, (1998) Regions and Industries: a Perspective on the Industrial Revolution in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 19; S. King and G. Timmins, (2001) The Making, p. 36.
R. Baker and W. Jevons, (1872) ‘Report of the Inspector of Factories’, Robert Baker’s testimony, PP 1872 XVI, p. 89.
E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History, p. 83.
J. Langton and R.J. Morris, (1986) (ed.) An Atlas of Industrializing Britain, 1780–1914 (London: Methuen), pp. 10 and 17.
P. Hudson, (1998) Regions and Industries, p. 19. For the Lancashire cotton regions see G. Timmins, (1998) Made in Lancashire; a History of Regional Industrialisation (Manchester: Manchester University Press) who argues that although the area experienced peaks and troughs in essence the cotton industry rose ‘profoundly’ from the eighteenth century onwards and that it was a key staple of the industrial revolution. For the population of towns and cities see J. Langton and R.J. Morris, An Atlas, p. 165.
A. Briggs, (1999) A Social History of England (Harmondsworth: Penguin), C. Lawrence, (1994) Medicine in the Making of Modern Britain, 1700–1920 (London: Routledge); R. Porter, (1995) Disease, Medicine and Society in England, 1550–1860, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) and B. Harris, (2004) ‘Public Health, Nutrition, and the Decline of Mortality: the McKeown Book Revisited’, Social History of Medicine, 17, pp. 379–407.
E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History, p. 161.
For a general overview see H.-J. Voth, (2004) ‘Living Standards and the Urban Environment’, in R. Floud and P, Johnson (eds.) Cambridge Economic History of Britain, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Among the optimists are T.S. Ashton, (1962) The Industrial Revolution 1760–1830 (London: Oxford University Press), R.M. Hartwell, (1967) The Causes of the Industrial Revolution in England (London: Methuen); P. Deane and W.A. Cole, (1993) British Economic Growth, 1688–1959: Trends and Structure (Aldershot: Gregg Revivals); P.H. Lindert and J.G. Williamson, (1982) ‘Re-visiting England’s Social Tables, 1688–1812’ Explorations in Economic History, 19, pp. 385–804. For pessimists see A. Toynbee, (1969) The Industrial Revolution, 1852–1883 (Newton Abbott: David & Charles); S. and B. Webb, (1926) Industrial Democracy 2 vols. (London: Longmans Green & Co.); J.L. and B. Hammond, (1995) The Skilled Labourer (Abingdon: Fraser Stewart); E. Hobsbawm, (1957) ‘The British Standard of Living, 1750–1850’, Economic History Review, 10, pp. 46–48; E.P. Thompson, (1980) The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin); C. Feinstein (1998) ‘Pessimism Perpetuated: Real Wages and the Standard of Living, During and After the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History 58, pp. 625–658.
E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History, p. 146.
T. McKeown, (1976) The Modern Rise of Population (London: Edward Arnold), p. 52.
R. Millward and F. Bell, (2001) ‘Infant Mortality in Victorian Britain: the Mother as Medium’, Economic History Review, 54, p. 729 and S. Guha, (1994) ‘The Importance of Social Intervention in England’s Mortality Decline: the Evidence Reviewed’, Social History of Medicine, 7, p. 113.
T.S. Ashton, (1969) ‘Standard of Life’, in P. Deane and W.A. Cole, British Economic Growth: Trends and Structure 1688–1959 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 27 and P.H. Lindert and J.G. Williamson, (1983) ‘English Workers’ Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: A New Look’, Economic History Review, 36, pp. 1–25.
S. Szreter, (1988) ‘The Importance of Social Intervention in Britain’s Mortality Decline c.1850–1914’, Social History of Medicine, 1, p. 31.
C. Feinstein, (1998) ‘Pessimism Perpetuated: Real Wages and the Standard of Living, during and after the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 58, pp. 625–658; S. and B. Webb, (1898) Industrial Democracy; E. Hobsbawm, (1957) ‘The British Standard of Living 1750–1850’, Economic History Review, 10, pp. 46–48; and E.P. Thompson, (1980) The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin).
E. Griffin, (2010) A Short History, p. 161 and K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth, pp. 33 and 111.
A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, p. 12.
P. Huck, (1995) ‘Infant Mortality and Living Standards of English Workers during the Industrial Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 55, pp. 528–550.
T. McKeown, (1976) The Modern Rise of Population (London: Edward Arnold), p. 52.
Quoted by William Farr in A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, p. 18.
W. Farr, (1865) Report on the Questions Submitted by Dr. Farr to the Council, Concerning the Classification of Epidemic Diseases to the Royal Society of Medicine (London).
K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth, p. 27, F. Cartwright and M. Biddiss, (1972) Disease and History, (London: Hard Davis), p. 116; C. Creighton, (1965) A History of Epidemics in Britain (London: Cass) passim, and A. Hardy, (1993) Epidemic Streets; Infectious Disease and the Rise of Preventative Medicine, 1856–1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 3.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, p. 47.
R. Woods, and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, p. 53.
For a detailed overview of the emergence of scientific medicine, refer to R. Porter, (1998) The Greatest Benefit to Mankind (London: Fontana) chapter XI and especially p. 306.
R. Porter, (2001) Bodies Politic, Disease, Death and Doctors in Britain, 1650–1900 (London: Reaktion), p. 31.
R. Porter, (2001) Bodies Politic, p. 31.
R. Porter, (2001) Bodies Politic, p. 31. My emphasis.
I. Loudon, (1992) ‘Medical Practitioners 1750–1850 and Medical Reform in England’, in A. Wear, (ed.) Medicine in Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 246. My emphasis.
A. Hardy, (1993) ‘Lyon Playfair and the Idea of Progress’, in D. Porter and R. Porter, (1993) (eds.) Doctors, Politics and Society, Historical Essays (Amsterdam: Rodopi), pp. 81–2.
See B.W. Richardson, (1876) Hygeia, a City of Health, in D. Porter and R. Porter, (1993) Doctors, Politics, p. 4.
D. Porter and R. Porter, (1993) Doctors, Politics, pp. 2–4.
A. Hardy, (1993) ‘Lyon Playfair’, p. 82.
A. Hardy, (1993) ‘Lyon Playfair’, p. 82.
A. Hardy, (1993) ‘Lyon Playfair’, p. 82.
I. Loudon, (1992) Medical Practitioners, p. 3.
D. Porter and R. Porter, (1993) Doctors, Politics, p. 6 and A. Digby, (1994) Making a Medical Living (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 2.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, p. 53; M. Hewitt, (1958) Victorian Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry (London: Rockcliff), p. 146 and E. Garrett, et al., (2006) Infant Mortality, pp. 40 and 121.
See Fildes’ work for the vast array of eighteenth-century paediatric texts: V. Fildes, (1986) Breasts, Bottles and Babies (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press), pp. 445–49 and R. Hodgkinson, (1967) The Origins of the National Health Service (London: The Wellcome Historical Medical Library), p. xv.
S. and B. Webb, English Poor Law History: Part II, The Last Hundred Years (London: Cass), p. 310–311 and A. Digby, (1994) Making, preface page and p. 244.
M.W. Flinn, (1976) ‘Medical Services under the New Poor Law’, in D. Fraser, (ed.) The New Poor Law in the Nineteenth Century (London: Macmillan), p. 5.
R. Hodgkinson, (1967) The Origins, p. xvi.
R. Hodgkinson, (1967) The Origins, p. 497, and M. Rose, (1971) The English Poor Law (Newton Abbott: David & Charles), p. 171.
Dr. Eustace Smith, (1868) The Wasting Diseases of Infants and Children (London), p. 33.
W.R. Lee, (1964) ‘Robert Baker’: ‘The First Doctor in the Factory Department Part I, 1803–1858, Part 1 1803–1858 and Part II 1858 Onwards’, British Journal of Industrial Medicine, 21, pp. 85–177. See also Herr R. Meyer, Robert Baker, C.B., R.C.S., 1803–1880 Special Collections, f.1, in the Brotherton Library at Leeds University. This special collection was compiled by Herr. R. Meyer and was offered to the library as a gift to the Library by him. Unfortunately this publication bears no publishing date or few page numbers, however the same article has been reproduced in British Journal of Industrial Medicine, 1964, 21, pp. 85–93 and R. Baker, (1867) No’butt and Never’head: A Lecture to Yorkshire Factory Girls (Leeds).
R. Porter, (2001) Bodies Politic, p. 3; R. Porter, (1996) Cambridge Illustrated, History of Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 177 and R. Porter, (1987) Disease, Medicine, p. 63.
E. Chadwick, (1860) ‘Address on Public Health’, National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, hence forth NAPSS, (London), p. 580. See also K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth, pp. 27–9.
S. Halliday, (1999) The Great Stink of London: Sir Joseph Bazalgette and the Cleansing of the Victorian Capital (Stroud: Sutton).
C. Hamlin, (1998) Public Health and Social Justice in the Age of Chadwick: Britain 1800–1854 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 8–9. Hamlin argues that public health measures were never meant to improve the IMR, but Chadwick clearly sees them as purpose for an amelioration of it.
F.F. Cartwright and M. Biddiss, (1972) Disease and History, p. 119.
A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, p. 81.
A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, p. 87.
F. Bedarida, (1970) ‘Cities: Population and the Urban Explosion’, in A. Briggs, The Nineteenth Century, The Contradiction of Progress (London: Thames and Hudson), p. 128–129; A. Briggs, (1959) The Age of Improvement, 1783–1867 (London), p. 41 and R. Woods et al. (1989) ‘The Causes’, p. 113.
K. Morgan, (2004) The Birth, p. 29.
N. Morgan, (2002) ‘Infant Mortality, Flies and Horses in Later-Nineteenth-Century Towns: a Case Study of Preston’, Continuity and Change, 17, (2002), p. 100.
N. Morgan, (2002) ‘Infant Mortality, Flies and Horses’, pp. 97–130.
N. Williams, (1992) ‘Death in its Season, Class, Environment and the Mortality of Infants in Nineteenth-century Sheffield’, Social History of Medicine, 5 (1992) p. 85.
N. Williams, (1992) ‘Death in its Season’, pp. 77, 89 and 91.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, pp. 56 and 145.
S. Guha, (1994) ‘The Importance’, p. 109.
A. Hardy, (2001) Epidemic Streets, p. 3 and R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, p. 54.
I. Buchanan, (1995) ‘Infant Feeding, Sanitation and Diarrhoea in Colliery Communities 1880–1991’, in J. Oddy and D. Millar, (1995) Diet and Health in Modern Britain (London: Croom Helm), pp. 162 and 171.
A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, pp. 4–6 and 340–41.
S. King and G. Timmins, (2001) Making Sense, pp. 216–17.
R. Woods and N. Shelton, (1997) An Atlas, passim. Of course rural areas are important and a recent study from Pamela Birch has contributed to this under-researched area. See P. Birch, (1998) ‘Factors in the Structure’.
A. Wohl, (1983) Endangered Lives, pp. 4–6 and 340.
R. Woods et al., (1997) An Atlas, pp. 33, 51 and 60.
R. Millward and F. Bell, (2001) ‘Infant Mortality’, p. 701.
E. Roberts, (1994) A Woman’s Place: An Oral History of Working Class Women 1890–1940 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), p. 165.
P. Ford and G. Ford, (1956) A Guide to Parliamentary Papers: What They Are: How To Find Them: How To Use Them (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), p. 36 and P. Thompson (2000) The Voice of the Past: Oral History, (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 118.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 126.
G. Ford and P. Ford, (1959) A Guide, p. 40.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, pp. 126–7.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 126.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 39.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 127.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 124.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 123.
P. Thompson, (2000) The Voice, p. 120.
E. Higgs, (1987) History Workshop Journal, 23, pp. 59–80 and particularly pp. 60–70 and M. Anderson, (2007) ‘What Can the Mid-Victorian Censuses Tell Us About Variations in Married Women’s Employment?’, in N. Goose, Women’s Work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives (Hatfield: Local Population Studies), pp. 182–208.
E. Roberts quoted in M. Anderson, (2007) ‘What Can’, p. 185.
Margaret Llewelyn Davies, (1915, new edition 1978) Maternity: Letters from Working Women (London: Virago), Letters 13, 46, 53, 83, 135 and 138.
For an insight into the life and character of Margaret Llewelyn Davies see G. Scott, (1998) Feminism and the Politics of Working Women (University College London: London) and more pertinently, B. Blaszac, The Matriarchs of England’s Cooperative Movement, A Study in Gender Politics and Female Leadership, 1883–1921 (Westport: Greenwood Press), p. 126.
C. Black, (1983) (ed.) Married Women’s Work (London: Virago), p. v, (First Published in 1915).
B.L. Hutchins, (1907) Home, Work and Sweating, the Causes and the Remedies (London: Fabian Society) and B.L. Hutchins, (1911) The Working Life of Women (London: Fabian Society).
C. Black, (1983) Married Women’s Work, p. ii and iv.
C. Black, (1983) Married Women’s Work, pp. 254–7.
B.L. Hutchins and E. Harrison, (1903) A History of Factory Legislation (Westminster: British Law: Trades and Crafts), pp. 47 and 52.
B.L. Hutchins, (1983) ‘Yorkshire’, in Married Women’s Work, p. 146. Mother A 11.
L. Delap, (2007) The Feminist Avant Garde (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 111.
K.J. Carpenter, (1991) ‘Edward Smith (1819–1874)’, Journal of Nutrition, 121, pp. 1515–21.
K.J. Carpenter, (1991) ‘Edward Smith’, pp. 1515–21.
K.J. Carpenter, (1991) ‘Edward Smith’, pp. 1515–21.
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Reynolds, M. (2016). Introduction. In: Infant Mortality and Working-Class Child Care, 1850–1899. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137369048_1
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