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Conclusion

  • Yuichi Kubota
Chapter
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Part of the Asia Today book series (ASIAT)

Abstract

This book has explored the theme of armed groups’ mobilization strategies in civil war. To specify the scope of the theory, this book first assumes civil war wherein two major parties, the government and rebels, compete for domestic popular support and recruits, and areas in which each can exclusively exert their clout over civilians. The starting point of my theory is a reexamination of the implications in current literature reflecting the association between territorial control and civilian participation in armed forces. If the area controlled by an armed group expands, the pool of available participants increases to its limit, but the group’s capacity for recruitment decreases nearer to the territorial boundary with the opponent-controlled area.

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Notes

  1. 2.
    For instance, Arjona and Kalyvas, “Recruitment into Armed Groups in Colombia”; Blattman and Annan, “The Consequences of Child Soldiering”; Humphreys and Weinstein, “Who Fights?”; Kalyvas and Kocher, “How ‘Free’ Is Free Riding”; Aderoju Oyefusi, “Oil and the Probability of Rebel Participation among Youths in the Niger Delta of Nigeria,” Journal of Peace Research, 45 (4) (2008): 539–555;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  2. Jocelyn S. Viterna, “Pulled, Pushed, and Persuaded: Explaining Women’s Mobilization into the Salvadoran Guerrilla Army,” American Journal of Sociology, 112 (1) (2006): 1–45; Weinstein, Inside Rebellion Wood, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War.; CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. 3.
    For instance, Sergio Koc-Menard, “Fragmented Sovereignty: Why Sendero Luminoso Consolidated in Some Regions of Peru but Not in Others,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30 (2) (2007): 173–206;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. Alex McDougall, “State Power and Its Implications for Civil War Colombia,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32 (3) (2009): 322–345.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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© Yuichi Kubota 2013

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  • Yuichi Kubota

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