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Differing Regime Changes and Outcomes, 1989–2004

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Abstract

When Gorbachev called for reforms of the communist (or “socialist”, as communist leaders and ideologues called it) political and economic system and started to promote the policy of non-interference in domestic affairs of other “socialist” countries after he took over the Soviet party and communist bloc leadership in 1985, the communist regimes in Poland and Hungary were more or less already “prepared” for their inevitable departure to history. Even more so, leading intellectuals and a significant majority of the wider population in the two countries expected from the changes in Soviet policy at least two main things: firstly, full freedom from Soviet dominance and control over their national and individual policy choices and, secondly, a complete abolishment of communist party rule in their countries with all accompanying political and socio-economic practices that were never their real choice. The situation was a bit different in the other European communist states. While in Czechoslovakia the members of the not very numerous dissident groups hoped that Gorbachev’s reforms would bring changes to the orthodox communist regime and its practices, in the Balkans neither the vast majority of ordinary people nor their intellectual elite noticed that the changes in Soviet policy may bring any changes to communist party rule in their respective countries.

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Notes

  1. “[T]he motive force of the Romanian revolution had not been a desire to change the system but rather a simple desperation to remove the Ceauşescus and to secure enough food and heat to survive in reasonably tolerable conditions” (Crampton, 2002: 324).

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  2. These demands had become even more aggressive due to the support which they got from the “spontanously organised” mass protests (called “meetings”) which were held several times in Belgrade as well as in the capitals of Montenegro (Podgorica) and the province of Vojvodina (Novi Sad) during 1988 and early 1989. The culmination was the organisation of a celebration of the 600-years of the historical Battle of Kosovo in Kosovo on 28 June 1989 where Milošević’s party and government machine brought nearly one million people to hear Milošević’s speech in which he celebrated the peacefully regained Serbian unity (after the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina granted by the 1974 Yugoslav constitution was abolished a few months earlier) and announced that the possibility of new “armed battles [for Serbian people] cannot be excluded yet” (Crampton, 2002: 241; Lampe, 1996: 345).

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© 2013 Milenko Petrovic

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Petrovic, M. (2013). Differing Regime Changes and Outcomes, 1989–2004. In: The Democratic Transition of Post-Communist Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137315359_5

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