Abstract
Since the Middle Ages, Milan represented one of the leading industrial and commercial European centers. Its prosperous manufactures and its strategic location between Italy and central Europe rendered the city an extremely important crossroads for merchants from all countries.
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Notes
Patrick Boucheron, Le pouvoir de bâtir. Urbanisme et politigue édilitaire à Milan, XIVe–XVe siècles (Rome: École Frainçaise de Rome, 1998), 501.
Aldode Maddalena, “Frammenti di grandezza nella crepuscolare Milano barocca,” in “Millain the great.” Milano nelle brume del Seicento (Milano: CARIPLO, 1989), 9.
Edward Chaney, “The Grand Tour and the Great Rebellion. Richard Lassels and ‘The Voyage of Italy’ in the Seventeenth Century,” Biblioteca del Viaggio in Italia 19 (1985), 163; emphasis in the original.
Letizia Arcangeli, “Milano durante le guerre d’Italia (1499–1529): esperimenti di rappresentanza e identità cittadina,” Società e Storia 26 (2004), 243.
Giovanni Marco Burigozzo, “Cronaca di Milano,” Archivio Storico Italiano 1 (1842), 458–73
Alfonso Corradi, Annali delle epidemie occorse in Italia dale prime memorie fino al 1850 compilati con varie note e dichiarazioni (Bologna: Forni, 1972, I edition 1865–1892), 408–10.
Giuseppe De Luca, “Government Debt and Financial Markets: Exploring Pro-Cycle Effects in Northern Italy during the Sixteenth nd Seventeenth Centuries,” in Fausto Piola Caselli (ed.), Government Debts and Financial Markets in Europe (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2008), 48–56.
Cited in Giuseppe Aleati and Carlo Maria Cipolla, “Il trend economico nello Stato di Milano durante i secoli XVI e XVII. II caso di Pavia,” Bollettino della Societa Pavese di Storia Patria 1–2 (1950), 21–33.
On the estimo, see Giovanni Vigo, Fisco e Società nella Lombardia del Cinquecento (Bologna: II Mulino, 1979), 465.
Franco Saba, Il valimento del mercimonio del1580 (Milano, EGEA, 1990), 69.
GiuseppeDe Luca, “Carlo V e il sistema finanziario milanese. L’alienazione delle entrate,” in Mario Fantoni (ed.), Carlo V e l’Italia (Roma: Bulzoni, 2000), 227.
On the introduction and the first stages of the silk industry in Milan, see Gino Barbieri, Economia e politica nel ducato di Milano, 1386–1535 (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1938), 87–91.
For the figures in 1500, see ibid, 90; for 1540, see ASCM, Materie, 259; for 1560, see Aldo De Maddalena, Dalla città al borgo. Avvio di una metamorfosi economica e sociale nella Lombardia spagnola (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1982), 54.
Ettore Verga, “Le corporazioni delle industrie tessili in Milano: loro rapporti e conflitti nei secoli XVI e XVII,” ASL 29 (1903), 64–125.
The silk industry had been introduced to Como in 1510, and after a period of decline was reestablished in 1551, and developed quickly in the following years. Silk workshops appeared in Pavia in 1547 and in Cremona in 1549. In Pavia, the manufacture expanded rapidly, and in 1554, it counted more than 20 masters and 50 looms. In addition, local merchants and craftsmen also oversaw the spinning of silk and the refining of cloths, making Pavia manufactures completely autonomous (Giovanni Vigo, Fisco e Società nella Lombardia del Cinquecento (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1979), 13; “Tra sviluppo e declino: l’economia pavese nella seconda metà del Cinquecento,” in Rivista Milanese di Economia, n. 49 (1994),108–32; Aleati and Cipolla, “Il trend economico,” 28).
For the number of workers, see ASCM, Materie, 570; on the registration of the wool merchants, see Caterina Santoro (ed.), Le matricole dei mercanti di lana sottile di Milano (Milano: Giuffrè, 1940), xxviii. In 1570, 110 wool merchants, 91 drapari (drapers), and 26 berretari (beret makers) were active in the city (ASCM, Materie, 570).
In Como, in 1553, 221 of 986 heads of household whose occupational status is recorded worked in the wool sector. However, 111 of them lived in a state of poverty (Giuseppe Mira, Aspettti dell’economia comasca (Como: Cavalleri, 1939), 148–9).
In 1553, among the 5,000 inhabitants ofthe town of Vigevano, 27.4 percent of the heads of household worked in the textile industry, primarily in the wool sector, and already in 1548, there were 41 wool cloth makers, with an annual production of about 1,300 pezze. In 1537, Monza counted 228 workers in the wool sector, and the workforce along with production would increase progressively in the following years. Even villages of a few hundred people such as Lissone, Sesto, and Seregno had their share of wool workers, mainly weavers (Diana Olivero Colombo, “Mercanti e popolari nella Vigevano del primo Cinquecento,” Rivista Storica Italiana 85 (1973), 114–61
Beonio Brocchieri, “Piazza universale di tutte le professioni del mondo” Famiglie e mestieri nel Ducato di Milano in età spagnola (Milano: Unicopli, 2000), 222
Carlo Maria Cipolla, “Per la storia della popolazione lombarda nel secolo XVI,” in Studi in onore di Gino Luzatto (Milano: Giuffrè, 1950,) II, 153.
ASCM, Materie, 428; for the number of workers employed, see Materie, 259; ASCM, Materie 259; 428, list of masters of July 5, 1560. The crisis affected also Cremona, which from the fourteenth century had been one of the major European centers in the production of fustian cloth (Maureen F. Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)).
Armando Frumento, Imprese lombarde nella storia della siderurgia italiana (Milano: Società Acciaierie Falck, 1963), II, 58–9.
Ibid., 52. Metal working was not an exclusively urban activity: in Monza and Concorezzo, several families worked as needle makers, and in Busto the production of iron thread increased throughout the century (Cipolla, “Per la storia della popolazione,” 153; Domenico Sella, Crisis and Continuity. The Economy of Spanish Lombardy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979), 39–40).
Frangioni, Milano e le sue strade. Costi di trasporto e vie di commercio dei prodotti milanesi alla fine del Trecento (Bologna: Cappelli, 1983), 47.
Hermann Kellenbenz, “Commercio tra la Lombardia e l’Europa centrale e orientale dal XV alla metà del XVII secolo,” in Commercio in Lombardia (Milano: CARIPLO, 1986), 95–100.
Wilfrid Brulez, “Les transports routiers entre les Pays-Bas et l’Italie aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” in Anna Vannini Marx (ed.), Trasporti e sviluppo economico. Secoli XIII–XVIII (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1986), 259–60.
Jean-François Bergier, “Le trafic à travers les alpes et les liaisons transalpines du haut Moyen-Âge au XVIIe siècle,” in Le Alpi e l’Europa (Roma-Bari: Laterza 1982).
Wilfrid Brulez, “Les routes commerciales d’Angleterre en Italie au XVIe siècle,” in Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani (Milano: Giuffrè, 1962); “Les transports routiers,” 257–64.
Marco Formentini, La dominazione spagnuola in Lombardia (Milano: Ottino, 1881), 100–101.
Robert Gascon, “Le couple Lyon-Milan dans l’Europe des affaires au XVIe siècle. La primauté milanaise,” in Mélanges en l’honneurde Fernand Braudel. Histoire économique du monde méditerranéen (1450–1650) (Toulouse: Privat, 1973); Salvatore Ciriacono, “Per una storia dell’industria di lusso in Francia, La concorrenza italiana nei secoli XVI e XVII,” in Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa 14 (1978).
There were 22 markets in the district of Milan, 3 in the district of Lodi, 10 in the district of Cremona, 6 in the district of Pavia, 8 in the district of Tortona, and 12 in the area of Novara and Lago Maggiore (Franco Saba, “Le forme dello scamhio. I mercati rurali,” in Commercio in Lombardia, 176–185). In fairs like the one held periodically in Vigevano, a variety of goods were exchanged, in particular wool and cotton cloths and leather items. These goods were frequently exported beyond the borders of the state as far as Piedmont, Genoa, Naples, Palermo, and France (Giuseppe Mira, “L’organizzazione fieristica della bassa lombarda alla fine del medioevo e nell’età moderna,” ASL 84 (1958). On the subject, see also Giuseppe Mira, Le fiere lombarde nei secoli XIV·XVL Prime indagini (Como: Centro Lariano per gli Studi Economici, 1955); Olivero Colombo, “Mercanti e popolari,” 135).
Stefano D’Amico, Le contrade e la città. Sistema produttivo e spazio urbano a Milano fra Cinque e Seicento (Milan: Franco Angeli, 1994), 79.
Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567–1659 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 1st edition: 1972, 129.
both in Peter Clark (ed.), The European Crisis of the 1590’s. Essays in Comparative History (Boston-London: Allen & Unwin, 1985).
See also Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York: Harper & Row, 1972–73).
On the demographic consequences of the crisis on Bologna, which, between 1587 and 1595, lost 18 percent of its population, and on the Tuscan cities, see Athos Bellettini, La popolazione di Bologna dal secolo XV all’Unificazione (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1961), 56
Lorenzo Del Panta, Le epidemie nella storia demografica italiana (secoli XIV—XIX) (Torino: UTET, 1986), 148–9. On the effects of the famine on the demography of the Lombard villages and on Cremona, whose population decreased from 46,193 in 1583 to 37,377 in 1599, see Domenico Sella, “Coping with Famine: The Changing Demography of an Italian Village in the 1590s,” Sixteenth Century Journal 22 (1991).
For information on the competition over the “new draperies” and the penetration of English and Dutch products in the Mediterranean, see Ralph Davis, “England and the Mediterranean,” in E. J. Fisher (ed.), Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor and Stuart England in Honour of R.H.Tawney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961)
Pierre Deyon, “La concurrence internationale des manufactures lainieres aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” Annales. Economies. Sociétes. Civilizations, 27 (1972); Richard T. Rapp, “The Unmaking of the Mediterranean Trade Hegemony: International Trade Rivalry and the Commercial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 35 (1975); Maurice Aymard, “La fragilità di un’economia avanzata: l’Italia e le trasformazioni dell’economia europea,” Storia dell’economia italiana (Torino: Einaudi, 1991).
See Paolo Malanima, La decadenza di un’economia cittadina. L’industria di Firenze nei secoli XVI—XVIII (Bologna, 1982), 67.
On the wool industry in Como, see Giovanni Vigo, “II declino economico di una città: Como nel Seicento,” Periodico della Società Storica Comense 55 (1991–93); “Economia e governo nella Lombardia borromaica,” in Paolo Pissavino and Gianvittorio Signorotto (eds.), Lombardia borromaica, Lombardia spagnola (1554–1659) (Roma: Bulzoni, 1995), 254; on Venice, see John A. Marino, “La crisi di Venezia e la New Economic History,” Studi Storici 23 (1982), 97.
On the rising prices and the gravity of the crisis in different areas of the State of Milan and in the neighboring territories, see Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 35–7; “Coping with Famine”; Dante Zanetti, Problemi alimentari di una economia preindustriale. Cereali a Pavia dal 1398 al 1700 (Torino: Boringhieri, 1964), 93
Marzio A. Romani, Nella spirale di una crisi: popolazione, mercato e prezzi a Parma tra Cinque e Seicento (Milano: Giuffrè, 1975)
parte terza; “La carestia del 1590–93 nei ducati padani: crisi congiunturale e/o di struttura,” in Studi in onore di Gino Barbieri (Pisa: IPEM, 1983), 1302–35
Carlo M. Belfanti, “Una città e la carestia: Mantova, 1590–92,” Annali della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi 16 (1982); Gian Luigi Basini, Sul mercato di Modena tra Cinque e Seicento: prezzi e salari (Milano: Giuffrè, 1974).
ACAM, Sezione XIV, 92. The document has been published in Danilo Zardin, “Nobili e ricchi nella Milano del ‘500: i dati di un’inchiesta vescovile del 1586,” Cheiron 17–18 (1992), 307–56.
On the main outlets of Milanese trade, see Giuseppe De Luca, Commercio del denaro e crescita economica a Milano tra Cinque e Seicento (Milano: Il Polifilo, 1996), 150–1. The importance of the Lyon market where, in 1569, at least one-third of the Italian products introduced into the city came from Milan (silk cloths, gloves, gold threads) is highlighted in Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 21; see also Gascon, “Le couple Lyon-Milan.”
Cited in Domenico Sella, “Sotto il dominio della Spagna,” in D. Sella, C. Capra, Il Ducato di Milano dal 1535 al 1796, Storia d’Italia (Torino: UTET, 1984), 123.
The number of the tailors is in ASCM, Materie, 869. On the goldsmiths’ guild, see Daniela Romagnoli, La matricola degli orefici di Milano. Per la storia della scuola di S. Eligio dal 1311 al 1773 (Milano: Poliglotta, 1977).
Paolo Curatolo, Struttura, crisi e trasformazione di un sistema produttivo urbano: le corporazioni auroseriche milanesi (Milano: CUESP, 1997), 190, 219.
See De Luca, Commercio del denaro. The European economy was characterized by an increasing emphasis on the importance of credit. In the English case, for instance, Craig Muldrew writes that “the English economic expansion after 1550, grown as consumption raised and thus making the marketing structures more complex, was based on the increasing of use of credit” (Craig Muldrew, “The Contractual Society: Litigation and the Social Order 1550–1650,” in Carlo Poni and Roberto Scazzieri (eds.), Production Networks: Market Rules and Social Norms (Bologna: Eleventh International Economic History Congress, 1994), 114).
For the movement of prices, see Amintore Fanfani, “La rivoluzione dei prezzi a Milano nei secoli XVI e XVII,” Contributo del Laboratorio di Statistica edll’Università Cattolica di Milano, series III (1934), 134–89; Carlo M. Cipolla, Mouvements monetaires dans l’Etat de Milan (1580–1700) (Paris: SEVPEN, 1952). For the registration of the merchants-exporters, see De Luca, Commercio del denaro, 121–2.
See Aleati and Cipolla, “Il trend economico”; Salvatore Ciriacono, “Silk Manufacturing in France and Italy in the Seventeenth Century: Two Models Compared,” Journal of European Economic History 10 (1981), 169.
Brian Pullan, “Wage-Earners and Venetian Economy, 1550–1630,” in Brian Pullan (ed.), Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century (London: Methuen, 1968).
Jordan Goodman, “Financing Pre-Modern European Industry: an Example from Florence 1580–1660,” Journal of European Economic History 23 (1994), 424–9.
Carlo M. Belfanti, “Dalla città alla campagna: industrie tessili a Mantova tra carestie ed epidemie (1550–1630),” Critica Storica 4 (1988), 436.
Renzo P. Corritore, “Il processo di ‘ruralizzazione’ in Italia nei secoli XVII—XVIII. Verso una regionalizzazione,” Rivista di Storia Economica 10 (1993), 372.
On the process of polarization that affected European urban networks in the seventeenth century, see Jan De Vries, European Urbanization 1500— 1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984); in particular on the Lombard case, see Paul M. Hohenberg and Lynn H. Lees, “Urban Decline and Regional Economics: Brabant, Castile and Lombadry, 1550— 1750,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 31 (1989).
We can basically agree with Jonathan Israel when he writes that “as far as the Iberian peninsula, Italy, the Low Countries and the Baltic were concerned, the great European depression began not ‘around 1620,’ but precisely in April, 1621. The outbreak of the second Spanish-Dutch war and the drastic government economic measures that accompanied it, were the primum mobile of the depression and certainly remained a major depressive influence on European commerce as a whole until 1648” (Jonathan I. Israel, “Spanish Wool Exports and the European Economy, 1610–40,” Economic History Reviem 35 (1982), 193–211.
The attraction of a city after an epidemic has been studied in Carlo M. Belfanti, Mestieri e forestieri. Immigrazione ed economia urbana a Mantova fra Sei e Settecento (Milan: Franco Angeli, 1994).
While it is difficult to measure the size of the immigration that revitalized Milan after the plague, applications for citizenship and other archival sources related to the craft guilds allowed us to focus on a specific migratory current involving new merchant and artisan groups (Stefano D’Amico, “The Rebirth of a City: Immigration and Trade in Milan, 1630–59,” Sixteenth Century Journal 32 (2001), 699).
Angelo Moioli, “Il mutato ruolo delle corporazioni nella riorganizzazione dell’economia milanese del XVII secolo,” in Alberto Guenzi, Paola Massa, and Angelo Moioli (eds.), Corporazioni e gruppi professionali nell’Italia moderna (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1999), 50. Moioli also notices how the good health of the urban market is confirmed by the increased issues of currency (ibid., 51).
Bruni Caizzi, Il Comasco sotto il dominio spagnolo. Saggio di storia economica e sociale (Como: Centro Lariano per gli Studi Economici, 1955); Vigo, “II declino economico di una città.”
On these families, see Hermann Kellenbenz, “Cristoph Furtembach a Genova e il suo testamento,” Rivista Storica Italiana 84 (1972); Antonia Borlandi, “‘Al Real Servitio di S. Maestà.’ Genova e la Milano del Seicento,” in De Maddalena, “Millain the great.” On the Ponsampieri (or Pont Saint Pierre) many documents are conserved in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Dacito di Susa, 2. On the Lumaga (or Lumaca), see Olimpia Aureggi, “I Lumaga di Piuro e di Chiavenna. Ricerche su patriziato e nobilta’ in alta Lombardia,” ASL 89 (1962); François Bayard, Le monde des financiers au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Flammarion, 1988), 356–66; important documents about the Milanese branch of the family are conserved in ASCM, Famiglie, 880.
On other foreign merchants active on the Milanese market, see Giovanna Tonelli, “Percorsi di integrazione commerciale e finanziaria fra Milano e i Paesi d’Oltralpe nel primo Seicento,” in Luca Mocarelli (ed.), Tra identità e integrazione. La Lombardia nella macroregione alpina dello sviluppo economico europeo (secoli XVII–XX) (Milano: Franco Angeli, 2002), 166–7.
On the penetration of the mercanti descritti also in the food sector, especially in the trade of grain, wine and spices, see Lavinia Parziale, Nutrire la città. Produzione e commercio alimentare a Milano tra Cinque e Seicento (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2009), 95–6.
The economic policy of the State of Milan has not been adequately studied yet. The few works we have are limited to the analysis of the report by a merchant from Como, Giovan Battista Tridi, and of the debate that followed, and, although very interesting, do not exhaust the issue (Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 69–76; Giovanni Vigo, “Politica economica e metamorfosi industriale nella Lombardia spagnola,” Rivista Milanese di Economia 40 (1991)). The composition and the activity of the Giunta per il ristabilimento del mercimonio, created in 1631, and of the other agencies charged with making decisions concerning both the state and city economy certainly deserve greater attention for their influence on manufacturing and trading. On the merchant chamber of Milan and its relationships with the specialized merchant guilds there are no specific studies except the short essay by Ettore Verga, La camera dei mercanti di Milano nei secoli passati (Milano: Allegretti, 1914). Note the important observations in De Luca, Commercio del denaro, 26–33.
Alberto Cova, Interessi economici e impegni istituzionali delle corporazioni milanesi nel seicento, in Cesare Mozzarelli (a cura di), Economia e corporazioni (Milano: Giuffrè, 1988), 117; Moioli, Il mutato ruolo, 64.
On the organization of the wool industry between the two poles of Bergamo and Milan, see De Luca, Commercio del denaro, 136–7; D’Amico, “Immigrazione e ripresa economica a Milano dopo la peste del 1630,” in Elena Brambilla and Giovanni Muto (eds.), La Lombardia spagnola. Nuovi indirizzi di ricerca (Milano: Unicopli, 1997), 80.
For the data on wool cloths production, see Giovanni Frattini, Storia e statistica dell’industria manifatturiera in Lombardia (Milan: Bernardoni, 1856), 36. For the 1642 data, see ASM, Commercio, p.a., 1, Consulta della Giunta per il ristabilimento del mercimonio, 1642. For a discussion of the reliability of these data, see Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 54, note 28.
Gigliola Paganode Divitiis, Mercanti inglesi nell’Italia del Seicento. Navi, traffici, egemonie (Venezia: Marsilio, 1990), 94.
On the role of the Furtenbachs, on the market of Genoa in particular, see Kellenbenz, “Cristoph Furtembach”; Edoardo Grendi, “I nordici e il traffico del porto di Genova: 1590–1666,” Rivista Storica Italiana 83 (1971), 40–8.
Antonella Bicci, “Italiani ad Amsterdam nel Seicento,” Rivista Storica Italiana 102 (1990), 920.
On these families, see Karin Newman, “Hamburg in the European Economy, 1660–1750,” The Journal of European Economic History 14 (1985), 83; Bicci, “Italiani ad Amsterdam,” 917; Antonia Abbiati, “Fra Como, Venezia e Amsterdam. Percorsi economici, strategie sociali e conflitti : il caso di Giovanni Battista e Francesco Benzi nella seconda metà del XVII secolo,” in La Lombardia spagnola, 155–74.
Anne-Marie Piuz, A Geneve et autour de Geneve aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Etudes d’histoire economique (Lausanne: Payot 1985), 160.
Mario Abrate, “Trasporti transalpini in Piemonte nel secolo XVII,” Economia e Storia 3 (1959), 493.
On the phenomenon of colportage, only recently considered by historians, see Laurence Fontaine, Histoire du colportage, XVe–XIXe siècle (Paris: Albin Michel, 1993)
Abel Poitrineau, Remues d’hommes. Essai sur les migrations montagnardes en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Aubier, 1983).
Domenico Sella, Salari e lavoro nell’edilizia lombarda durante il secolo XVII (Pavia: Fusi, 1968), 36–7.
The number of people from Biella was probably even higher if one considers the case of Campiglia, one of the communities of the Valle d’Andorno, where, in 1713, out of 216 absent men whose destination was specified, 145 were in Milan (Patrizia Audenino, Un mestiere per partire. Tradizione migratoria, lavoro e comunità in una vallata alpina (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1990), 42).
The stage of formation of a real protoindustrial district in the second half of the sixteenth century is documented in Beonio-Brocchieri, “Artigianati, manifatture”; “La manifattura rurale.” For more general information on protoindustry in the northern Italian regions, see Belfanti, “Rural Manufactures.” On the recovery of Lombard rural manufactures in the second half of the seventeenth century, see Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 181– 225; see also Emanuele Colombo, Giochi di luogo. Il territorio Lombardo nel Seicento (Milano: Franco Angeli, 2008).
Gilbert Burnet, Tracts in Two Volumes (London: Robinson and Churchill, 1689), 120.
See Romano Canosa, La vita quotidiana a Milano in età spagnola (Milan: Longanesi, 1996), 39.
Luigi Trezzi, “Un caso di deindustrializzazione della città: I molini da seta a Milano e nel ducato (secoli XVII e XVIII),” ASL 112 (1986), 207.
Luigi Trezzi, Ristabilire e restaurare il mercimonio: pubblici poteri e attività manifatturiere a Milano negli anni di Carlo VI (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1986), 128–9, 147.
Giovanni Vigo, “Milân, corazón de la Lombardia espanola,” in Luis Ribot Garcia and LuigiDe Rosa (eds.), Ciudad y mundo urbano en la época moderna (Madrid: Actas, 1997), 326.
Angelo Moioli, La gelsibachicoltura nelle campagne lombarde dal Seicento alla prima meta’ dell’Ottocento. La diffusione del gelso e la crescita produttiva della sericoltura (Trento: Libera Universita’ degli Studi di Trento, Dipartimento di Economia, 1981).
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D’Amico, S. (2012). The Pulsing Heart of Europe. In: Spanish Milan. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137309372_4
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