Abstract
It has long been suggested that civil society, at least in those cases where its underlying ideas and structures are imported into a given country, may be of limited impact in producing an active citizenry that would counteract authoritarian regimes and allow the building of social capital beyond traditional family structures.1 In Kosovo, as elsewhere in the wider region,2 such an importation has occurred. NGOs have mushroomed after the war in 1999,3 responding to UN democratisation policies and Western donor-driven priorities underpinned by universalist paradigms of civil society. According to critical observations, this process has resulted in the production of a bureaucratic and elitist ‘project culture’ detached from locally rooted concerns, aspirations and identifications.4 According to social anthropologist, Steven Sampson, this imported culture features its own unique structures, activities and jargon, lifting its privileged local employees away from the rest of society.5 Given wider debates within social anthropology about cultural imperialism, local practices of subversion and resistance to universalist importations and political agency of those marginalised by such processes,6 the focus must shift to home-grown initiatives and its cultural resources.
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Notes
For example, see F. Fukuyama (2001) ‘Social Capital, Civil Society and Development’, Third World Quarterly, 22(1), p. 18; for an early collection of anthropological contributions to the debate see C. M. Hann and E. Dunn (eds) (1996) Civil Society: Challenging Western Models (London; New York: Routledge).
C. M. Hann (2003) ‘Is Balkan Civil Society an Oxymoron? From Königsberg to Sarajevo, via Przemysl’, Ethnologia Balkanica, 7, pp. 63–78.
S. Sampson (2002a) ‘Weak States, Uncivil Societies and Thousands of NGOs: Benevolent Colonialism in the Balkans’, in S. Resic and B. Tornquist-Plewa (eds) The Balkans in Focus: Cultural Boundaries of the Balkans (Lund, Sweden: Nordic Academic Press), pp. 27–44; S. Sampson (2003) ‘From Kanun to Capacity Buidling: The “Internationals”, Civil Society Development and Security in the Balkans’, in P. Siani-Davies (ed.) International Intervention in the Balkans since 1995 (London: Routledge), pp. 136–57.
S. Sampson (2002b) ‘Beyond Transition: Rethinking Elite Configurations in the Balkans’, in C. Hann (ed.) Postsocialism. Ideals, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia (London: Routledge), p. 306.
For example see P. Chatterjee (2004) The Politics of the Governed (New York: Columbia University Press); M. M. Eastmond (2010) ‘Introduction: Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Everyday Life in War-Torn Societies’, Focaal - Journal of Global and Historical Anthropology, 57, pp. 3–16; R. A. Rubinstein (2005) ‘Intervention and Culture: An Anthropological Approach to Peace Operations’, Security Dialogue, 36(4), pp. 527–44; R. A. Wilson and J. P. Mitchell (2003) ‘Introduction: The Social Life of Rights’, in R. A. Wilson and J. P. Mitchell (eds) Human Rights in Global Perspective: Anthropological Studies of Rights, Claims and Entitlements (London: Routledge), pp. 1–15. In policy analysis such results would be described as ‘unintended outcomes’ and ‘low efficacy’ of externally promoted civil society development.
G. Pula (1996) ‘Modalities of Self-Determination: The Case of Kosova as a Structural Issue of Lasting Stability in the Balkans’, Südosteuropa, 45(4–5), pp. 380–410; G. Pula (1996) ‘The Albanian National Question: The PostDayton Pay-Off’, War Report, 41, pp. 25–50. See also S. Troebst (1999) ‘The Kosovo War, Round One: 1998’, Europe and the Balkans: Occasional Papers, 16, pp. 9–10; H. Clark (2000) Civil Resistance in Kosovo (London: Pluto Press); and J. Brown (1998) ‘Kosovo Peaceniks Hear Call: “Guerrilla Army Needs You”’, The Christian Science Monitor, 24 June.
For example, see P. Bajraktari (2011) ‘Mos e prekni luftën e UÇK-së’ Gazetë, 289(4), p. 3.
While broadly following a Weberian distinction of types of authority, here the juxtaposition of ‘bureaucratic’ versus ‘emotional’ or ‘emotive’ is neither of any normative content nor supposed to indicate that emotions would not be rational or genuine. See W. M. Reddy (1997) ‘Against Constructionism: The Historical Ethnography of Emotions’, Current Anthropology, 38(3), pp. 327–51.
D. Kostovicova (2008) ‘Legitimacy and International Administration: The Ahtisaari Settlement for Kosovo from a Human Security Perspective’, International Peacekeeping, 15(5), pp. 631–47; N. Lemay-Hébert (2009) ‘State-Building from the Outside-In: UNMIK and its Paradox’, Journal of Public and International Affairs, 20, pp. 65–86; S. Schwandner-Sievers (2010) ‘Bridging Gaps between Local and Foreign Concerns? Communication across Symbolic Divides in the Transformation of the Security Forces in Kosovo’, in L. Montanari, R. Toniatti and J. Woelk (eds) Il Pluralismo nella Transizione Costituzionale dei Balcani: Diritti e Garanzie (Quarderni Del Dipartimento di Scienze Giuridiche) (Trento: Università degli Studi di Trento), pp. 145–69; G. Visoka (2011) ‘International Governance and Local Resistance in Kosovo: The Thin Line between Ethnical, Emancipatory and Exclusionary Politics’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, 22(1), pp. 99–125.
A. Kurti (2009) ‘Civil Society: Bringing Down Regional Walls’, VETEVENDOSJE! (speech at the Regional Conference of the School of Political Studies), Prishtina, 6 November.
A. Kurti (2010a) ‘Address to Students of the American University of Kosovo’, Newsletter no. 221, 22 October.
D. Albertazzi and D. McDonnell (2008), Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy (New York/London: Palgrave Macmillan), p. 3. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer for making me develop these points.
A. Kodra Hysa (2010) ‘The Motif of National Renaissance and the Contemporary Political Mythology among Albanian Nationalist Groups’, unpublished paper presented at the international conference Common Issues and Recent Trends in Balkan Historiography I: Towards a Comparative Review of the Awakening/Renaissance Discourse, organized by EHESS (Paris), Istanbul Bilgi University and IFEA (Istanbul), Istanbul: 2–4 July.
D. Bilefski (2007) ‘A Difficult Question for Kosovars: Who Are We?’ The New York Times, 9 December.
A. Kurti (2010b) ‘Together, it’s Possible’, Newsletter no. 222, 28 October. Visoka (2011), op. cit., p. 122, notes that the movement’s advocacy for a common civic identity ‘denies implicitly the rights of minorities to manifest their ethnic, cultural and political identity’.
A. Kurti (2011) ‘JISB Interview: Kosova in Dependence: From Stability of Crisis to the Crisis of Stability’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 5(1), pp. 89–97, see p. 92 (and earlier version in ReArtikulacija #6, 26 January).
Ibid., for example, see also V. Ymeri (2006) ‘Ne panik!’ Gazete no. 64, 5 December, p. 2.
A. Tornitori (2010) ‘German Left Party Protests Vetevendosje-Style?’, tornitori (blog), 26 February 2010, available at tornitori.wordpress.com (accessed on 26 April 2010).
I. Strohle (2012), ‘Re-Inventing Kosovo: Newborn and the Young Europeans’, in D. Suber and S. Karamanic (eds) Retracing Images. Visual Culture after Yugoslavia (Leiden: Brill), pp. 223–250.
For example, ‘Nentori i katert’, Gazete no. 63, 27 November 2006; B. Kodra, ‘Vetohimi i qenies kombetare: 28 Nentori’, Gazete no. 115, 3 December 2007.
For a deeper analysis of this post-war phenomenon, see A. Di Lellio and S. Schwandner-Sievers (2006) ‘The Legendary Commander: The Construction of an Albanian Master-Narrative in Post-War Kosovo’, Nations and Nationalism, 12(3), pp. 513–29.
‘Hashim Thagi and the KLA are not the same thing. The KLA was a liberation army of ordinary people, fighting to protect their homes and families, led by Adem Jashari’, see ‘Stealing and Corruption are not Values’, op. cit.; cf. see S. Pireva (2011) ‘Kujtimi per deshmoret dhe “duart e pastra”’, Gazete no. 281, 7 February 2011; ‘Deshmoret nuk negociuan’, Gazete no. 285, 7 March 2011, p. 2; and, in conjunction with the accusations of Dick Marty: ‘if some individuals misused the war for their private interests, this sould be dealt with by legal institutions and should not be used to criminalize our just struggle for survival and freedom’, ‘Council of Europe Resolution’, Newsletter no. 229, 17 December 2010.
G. Sharp (2002) From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation (Boston: Albert Einstein Institution).
Albert Einstein Institution (2000) Report on Activities 1993–1999 (Boston: AEI), p. 21.
Demaçi spent 28 years in prison both before and after this event; S. Gashi (2010) Adem Demagi: Biography (Prishtina: Rokullia).
See S. Schwandner-Sievers (forthcoming) ‘Beyond the Family? Making Modernity and New Social Capital in Yugoslav socialist Kosovo’, K. Clewing and V. Dzihic (eds) Eigenstaatlichkeit, Demokratie und “Europa” in Kosovo: Analysen und Perspektiven [Sovereignty, Democracy and ‘Europe’ in Kosovo: Analyses and Perspectives], Südosteuropäische Arbeiten (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag); see also, D. Kostovicova (2005) Kosovo: The Politics of Identity and Space (London/New York: Routledge), p. 44; Clark (2000), op. cit., pp. 34–41.
For example, D. Abdiu, ‘Kosovo Radicals Draw a Blank in Macedonia’, Balkanlnsight, 2 March 2007; ‘Incidents During Attempted Kurti Arrest’, B92: News Crime & War Crimes, 27 April 2010. Labels such as ‘terrorist’ or ‘criminal’ organisation can be found, for example, at W. Oschliess, ‘Albin Kurti: Mit wohlbekannten Methoden auf dem Weg nach Grossalbanien’, Eurasisches Magazin, 30 July 2006.
For example, B. Martin 1989, ‘Gene Sharp’s Theory of Power’, Journal of Peace Research 26(2), pp. 213–22.
However, there have been plenty of stereotypical and generalised assumptions identifying the entire Albanian population of Kosovo with historical customary law, kanun; my own observations and, cf. Pula, B. (2006) ‘Is it True that Kosova is a Clannish Society still Regulated by the Kanun, or the Customary Law, and Does Not Belong to the West?’ in A. Di Lellio (ed.) The Case for Kosova: Passage to Independence (London/New York: Anthem), pp. 179–83.
Cf. A. Kuper (2001) Culture: The Anthropologist’s Account (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), p. xi.
For preliminary examples, see S. Schwandner-Sievers (2009) ‘Emotions and Transitional Justice: On the Restorative Potentials of Symbolic Communication in Kosovo’, in D. Kostovicova (ed.) The European Union and Transitional Justice: From Retributive to Restorative Justice in the Western Balkans (Belgrade: Humanitarian Law Centre), pp. 99–104.
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Schwandner-Sievers, S. (2013). Democratisation through Defiance? The Albanian Civil Organisation ‘Self-Determination’ and International Supervision in Kosovo. In: Bojicic-Dzelilovic, V., Ker-Lindsay, J., Kostovicova, D. (eds) Civil Society and Transitions in the Western Balkans. New Perspectives on South-East Europe Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137296252_6
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