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Democratisation through Defiance? The Albanian Civil Organisation ‘Self-Determination’ and International Supervision in Kosovo

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Civil Society and Transitions in the Western Balkans

Abstract

It has long been suggested that civil society, at least in those cases where its underlying ideas and structures are imported into a given country, may be of limited impact in producing an active citizenry that would counteract authoritarian regimes and allow the building of social capital beyond traditional family structures.1 In Kosovo, as elsewhere in the wider region,2 such an importation has occurred. NGOs have mushroomed after the war in 1999,3 responding to UN democratisation policies and Western donor-driven priorities underpinned by universalist paradigms of civil society. According to critical observations, this process has resulted in the production of a bureaucratic and elitist ‘project culture’ detached from locally rooted concerns, aspirations and identifications.4 According to social anthropologist, Steven Sampson, this imported culture features its own unique structures, activities and jargon, lifting its privileged local employees away from the rest of society.5 Given wider debates within social anthropology about cultural imperialism, local practices of subversion and resistance to universalist importations and political agency of those marginalised by such processes,6 the focus must shift to home-grown initiatives and its cultural resources.

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Notes

  1. For example, see F. Fukuyama (2001) ‘Social Capital, Civil Society and Development’, Third World Quarterly, 22(1), p. 18; for an early collection of anthropological contributions to the debate see C. M. Hann and E. Dunn (eds) (1996) Civil Society: Challenging Western Models (London; New York: Routledge).

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  5. For example see P. Chatterjee (2004) The Politics of the Governed (New York: Columbia University Press); M. M. Eastmond (2010) ‘Introduction: Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Everyday Life in War-Torn Societies’, Focaal - Journal of Global and Historical Anthropology, 57, pp. 3–16; R. A. Rubinstein (2005) ‘Intervention and Culture: An Anthropological Approach to Peace Operations’, Security Dialogue, 36(4), pp. 527–44; R. A. Wilson and J. P. Mitchell (2003) ‘Introduction: The Social Life of Rights’, in R. A. Wilson and J. P. Mitchell (eds) Human Rights in Global Perspective: Anthropological Studies of Rights, Claims and Entitlements (London: Routledge), pp. 1–15. In policy analysis such results would be described as ‘unintended outcomes’ and ‘low efficacy’ of externally promoted civil society development.

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  21. For a deeper analysis of this post-war phenomenon, see A. Di Lellio and S. Schwandner-Sievers (2006) ‘The Legendary Commander: The Construction of an Albanian Master-Narrative in Post-War Kosovo’, Nations and Nationalism, 12(3), pp. 513–29.

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  22. ‘Hashim Thagi and the KLA are not the same thing. The KLA was a liberation army of ordinary people, fighting to protect their homes and families, led by Adem Jashari’, see ‘Stealing and Corruption are not Values’, op. cit.; cf. see S. Pireva (2011) ‘Kujtimi per deshmoret dhe “duart e pastra”’, Gazete no. 281, 7 February 2011; ‘Deshmoret nuk negociuan’, Gazete no. 285, 7 March 2011, p. 2; and, in conjunction with the accusations of Dick Marty: ‘if some individuals misused the war for their private interests, this sould be dealt with by legal institutions and should not be used to criminalize our just struggle for survival and freedom’, ‘Council of Europe Resolution’, Newsletter no. 229, 17 December 2010.

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  25. Demaçi spent 28 years in prison both before and after this event; S. Gashi (2010) Adem Demagi: Biography (Prishtina: Rokullia).

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  26. See S. Schwandner-Sievers (forthcoming) ‘Beyond the Family? Making Modernity and New Social Capital in Yugoslav socialist Kosovo’, K. Clewing and V. Dzihic (eds) Eigenstaatlichkeit, Demokratie und “Europa” in Kosovo: Analysen und Perspektiven [Sovereignty, Democracy and ‘Europe’ in Kosovo: Analyses and Perspectives], Südosteuropäische Arbeiten (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag); see also, D. Kostovicova (2005) Kosovo: The Politics of Identity and Space (London/New York: Routledge), p. 44; Clark (2000), op. cit., pp. 34–41.

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  28. For example, B. Martin 1989, ‘Gene Sharp’s Theory of Power’, Journal of Peace Research 26(2), pp. 213–22.

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  29. However, there have been plenty of stereotypical and generalised assumptions identifying the entire Albanian population of Kosovo with historical customary law, kanun; my own observations and, cf. Pula, B. (2006) ‘Is it True that Kosova is a Clannish Society still Regulated by the Kanun, or the Customary Law, and Does Not Belong to the West?’ in A. Di Lellio (ed.) The Case for Kosova: Passage to Independence (London/New York: Anthem), pp. 179–83.

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  30. Cf. A. Kuper (2001) Culture: The Anthropologist’s Account (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), p. xi.

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  31. For preliminary examples, see S. Schwandner-Sievers (2009) ‘Emotions and Transitional Justice: On the Restorative Potentials of Symbolic Communication in Kosovo’, in D. Kostovicova (ed.) The European Union and Transitional Justice: From Retributive to Restorative Justice in the Western Balkans (Belgrade: Humanitarian Law Centre), pp. 99–104.

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© 2013 Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers

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Schwandner-Sievers, S. (2013). Democratisation through Defiance? The Albanian Civil Organisation ‘Self-Determination’ and International Supervision in Kosovo. In: Bojicic-Dzelilovic, V., Ker-Lindsay, J., Kostovicova, D. (eds) Civil Society and Transitions in the Western Balkans. New Perspectives on South-East Europe Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137296252_6

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